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Energy Research & Social Science
j ou rn a l h o m e p a g e :w w w . e l s e v i e r . c om / l o c a t e / e r s s
Original research article
Mobile phones, batteries and power consumption: An analysis of social practices in Portugal
Ana Horta
∗, Susana Fonseca, Mónica Truninger, Nélia Nobre, Augusta Correia
UniversityofLisbon,InstituteofSocialSciences,Portugal,RuaProf.AníbaldeBettencourt,9,1600-189LisbonPortugal
a r t i c l e i n f o
Articlehistory:
Received2April2015 Receivedinrevisedform 27November2015 Accepted30November2015 Availableonline22December2015
Keywords:
Energysociology Theoriesofpractice Distributedagency
Informationandcommunication technologies
Youth Everydaylife
a b s t r a c t
Thearticleexamineshowsocialpracticesofchargingandmanagingthepowerofmobilephonesare formed.Theusefulnessoftheconceptofdistributedagencyasatoolfortheunderstandingofthedimen- sionsthatconstitutesocialpracticesrelatedtoenergyconsumptionisexplored.Basedonfindingsfrom interviewsandasurveyconductedwithadolescents,threemomentsintheformationofthesepractices areidentified:emergenceofelementarybatteryuse,accelerationofrhythmandestablishmentoflinks, andnormalization.Thearticleprovidesempiricalevidenceofthedistributedagencyofbodies,objects, andsocio-culturalcontextsinthedevelopmentofthesepractices.
©2015ElsevierLtd.Allrightsreserved.
1. Introduction
Mobile communication devices have spread rapidly and are becomingubiquitousineverydaylife.Despiteunevendissemina- tionacrosstheworld,mobiletelephonesubscriptionshavenearly reachedthenumberofpeopleonEarth[30].Concomitantly,the overallenergy consumption relatedto mobilephoneshasbeen growing[68].ItisestimatedthattheglobalCO2emissionsofmobile communicationsmayalmosttriplebetween2007and2020[16].
Agrowingbodyofliteraturepointsoutseveralfactorsascontrib- utorstotheriseofenergyconsumptionrelatedtomobilephones:
increasingownershipandrapidreplacementofolderdevices(stim- ulatedbymarketingstrategiesandproductdesign);growingdata trafficduetothecommonuseofapplicationsrelyingontheinternet (webbrowsing,gaming,andespeciallyvideostreaming,requiring powerfulserversanddatacenterswhichneedcooling);anincreas- ingnumberofsitesofmobilenetworkinfrastructure;wideand brightscreens;inefficiencyduringthechargingprocess;standby consumptionofbatterychargers;amongothers[8,68,25,41,59].
∗Correspondingauthor.
E-mailaddresses:ana.horta@ics.ulisboa.pt (A.Horta),susana.fonseca@ics.ulisboa.pt(S.Fonseca),
monica.truninger@ics.ulisboa.pt(M.Truninger),nobrenelia@gmail.com(N.Nobre), augusta.correia@ics.ulisboa.pt(A.Correia).
Notwithstandingrecentefficiencyimprovementstothebattery chargersofmobilephones,thesestillhaveenergylosses,whichare increasedbythefactthatchargersstillconsumeenergywhenthey areleftpluggedintothegrid[28,25].
Fewstudiesfocusonhuman–batteryinteraction,andtheseindi- catethatthewayusersrelatetomobilephonesmayincreasethe energyconsumptionassociatedwiththesedevices[3,26].More- over,RahmatiandZhong[45]observedthatpower-savingsettings ofmobilephonesaredesignedinwaysthatarehardforusersto employthem.Thesestudieshavebeenconductedmostlyinthe field of computerengineering, oftentryingtoassess modelsof increasingenergyefficiency(mainlybyprovidingmoreinforma- tiontousers).Thus,theydonotofferanalysisofhowthepower requirementofmobilephonebatteriesisentangledineveryday lifepractices.
Some studies have analyzed sociological aspects of energy consumptionrelatedtotheuseofinformationandcommunica- tiontechnologies[20,21,15,31,48,47,13,49,50,44,11].Thesestudies provide insightfuland valuable contributionsto theanalysisof energyconsumptionrelatedtothesetechnologies.However,none ofthesestudiesfocusesexclusivelyonmobilephones.
The energy consumption involved in charging the batteries ofmobilephonesisasmallcontributortotheglobalchallenges relatedtothecurrentenergytransition.However,analysisofthe socialpracticesofchargingandmanagingthebatteriesofmobile
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2015.11.010 2214-6296/©2015ElsevierLtd.Allrightsreserved.
phonesshedslightonhowtheseenergy-usingtechnologiesare embeddedinsociety.Thisanalysismaythereforecontributetothe understandingof energyasan “ingredient”oftheeveryday life practicesofwhichsocietiesarecomposed[57].
Fromthisperspective,thisarticleseekstoanalyzetheenergy consumption related to mobile phone use by focusing on the practicesofchargingandmanagingthepowerofmobilephones.
With this purpose in mind we draw on theories of practice [46,63,64,56,57]and explore theconcept of distributed agency [65,66,51]asausefultoolfortheunderstandingofthedimensions thatconstitutethesesocialpractices.
The pervasiveness and embeddedness of mobile phones in youngpeople’sdailylivesmakeadolescentsapreferentialgroupof practitionersforanalysisofthepracticesofchargingandmanag- ingmobilephonebatteries.Indeed,theadoptionanduseofmobile phonesarehigher amongyoungpeople[38,39].Inrecent years socialsciencehasproducedknowledgeofseveralaspectsofthedif- fusionandappropriationofmobilephonesbyyoungpeople(e.g., [35,60,14,18]).However,thetopicofmobilephones’energycon- sumptionhasgenerally beenoverlooked. In a recent review of researchonyoungpeople’s useofmobilephones,Haddon [24]
observedthatmoststudieshavefocusedontheirrelationswith parentsandpeers.Regardingtherelationshipsbetweenparents andtheirchildren,researchhasshownthattheformerusuallypro- videmobilephonestothelatterandsubsequentlyfinancetheiruse.
Althoughthisissometimesawayforparentstomonitorchildren, themobilephonemayalsobeameanswherebychildrenachieve someprivacyandautonomy[24].Onthesubjectoftherelations betweenpeers,researchhashighlightedthesymbolicdimension ofmobilephonesinyoungpeople’spresentationofself,asthese devicesare oftenused asindicatorsof trendinessand popular- ity[24].Research hasalsopointedto youth’sopennesstonew technologies, pioneeringuses andability toappropriate mobile phonesfortheirownpurposes[9].Ourstudyaddstothislitera- turebyexplaininghowadolescentsarerecruitedtothepractices ofchargingandmanagingthepowerofmobilephones.Indoingso, wecontributetotheunderstandingofenergyconsumptioninthe everydaylifeofadolescents.
Inthefollowingwepresent abriefintroductiontothetheo- riesofpractice,payingmore attentiontothethree dimensions highlightedbytheconceptofdistributedagency(bodies,objects andsocio-culturalcontexts)andhowtheyconstitutesocialprac- tices. After presenting the materials and methods used in our study,weanalyzetheemergenceandnormalizationoftheprac- tices of chargingand managingmobile phonebatteries among adolescents.
2. Understandingpracticesrelatedtoenergyconsumption Akey ideainthedevelopmentof thesociologyofenergy is theacknowledgementoftherelevanceofunderstandingmundane consumption.Unlikeotherthingsthatareconsumedinaclearly visibleway,energyuseismostlyinvisible,andderivesfromser- vices,suchasheating, lighting,cleaning [67,54]orconnectivity withothers. Indeed, electricity and otherforms of energy “are essentialbut,ifbroughttomindatall,tendtobeconsideredsubor- dinate,instrumentaltoamoremeaningfulactivity”[23,pp.4–5].In the“mobilenetworksociety”[9],moreandmoreobjectsofevery- daylifeconsumeenergy.Thisconsumptionisoftensurreptitious andimperceptible.In ordertounderstandenergy consumption, attentionshouldthereforebegiventoembodiedhabits,routines, andmodesofuseofenergyservices.Howtheseservicesbecome configuredandappropriatedatasocietallevelasnormalpractice shouldthusbeanalyzed[54]. Inthis thread,social conventions haveastronginfluenceonthedemandforenergyservices,butas
theseservicesareprovidedbytechnologies,attentionshouldalso begiventomaterialcontextsandconditionsofuse,suchasusers’
competences[27].
Inthisperspective,theoriesofpracticeprovideavaluableback- groundfortheanalysisofenergyconsumption.Inspiteofbeing ratherheterogeneousandwithmultipleversions,itcanbesaid thatpracticetheory(shorthandfortheoriesofpracticehenceforth) isbasedontheworkofGiddens[19]andBourdieu[5],asrecently revivedwiththecontributionsofSchatzkiandReckwitz[52],[46]
and,inparticularwithinconsumptionstudies,ofWarde[63],and Shoveetal.[56],amongothers.Inouraccountwearealsoespecially drawingonWilhite[66].
Practice theory enablesus tounderstand the complexity of inconspicuousroutinesbyexamininghow combinationsofele- mentssuchasmaterials(things,technologies),competences(skills, know-how) and meanings(conventions, ideas, aspirations),co- evolve, and how these are enacted in theform of patterns of practices,which are carriedout byindividuals in thecourseof theirnormaleverydaylifeandembeddedinsocialdynamicsand historicalandmaterialcontexts[56].AccordingtoReckwitz[46,p.
249],apractice“isaroutinizedtypeofbehaviorwhich consists ofseveralelements,interconnectedtooneanother:formsofbod- ilyactivities,formsofmentalactivities,‘things’andtheiruse, a backgroundknowledgeintheformofunderstanding,know-how, statesofemotionandmotivationalknowledge.”Itseemsworth- whiletohighlightsomeoftheseelements,namelybyreferringto thefactthatpracticesarethusseenasskillfulmovementsofbod- ies,or“routinizedbodilyperformances”,asinthecaseofwalking a dog, cooking or talking onthe phone; moreover, these per- formancesrequire“certainroutinizedwaysofunderstandingthe world,ofdesiringsomething,ofknowinghowtodosomething”, and areenabled orlimited by things[46,pp.251–252].Despite theacknowledgementoftherelevanceoftheseelements,theroles playedbybodiesandthingsinhabitsandroutinesstillneedclari- fication[64].
Inlinewiththis theoreticalframework,energy consumption shouldnotbeconsideredas“somethingperformedbyindividuals”
buta“resultoftheinteractionbetweenthings,people,knowledge, andsocialcontexts”[66,p.67].Thisstandpointcanbeexpandedfur- therthroughtheconceptofdistributedagency[66],whichseems tocondensesomeofthemajorthreadsofpracticetheory.Under- standingagencyas capacitytoinfluence acts([40] cit. in[66]), distributedagencymeansthatthecapacityofformingaparticu- larpracticeissharedbyagentiveaspectsacrossthreedimensions ofpractices:bodies,objectsandsocialcontexts[66,51].Byputting forwardagency–andnotagents–atthecenterofanalysis,rational choiceandindividualattitudesareminimized.Inasmuchasrational choicetheorieshave conquereda strongholdin thewider con- sumptionstudiesfield,theyhavefailedtotakeproperaccountof socialandmaterialcontexts.Indeed,inthe“praxeologicalfamilyof theories”[46]wherewecanincludepracticetheory,actionshould beconsidereda“conglomerateofmanysurprisingsetsofagencies”
ratherthanbeingfullycontrolledbyconsciousness[32,p.44].
2.1. Bodiesandembodiedskills
Asmentionedabove,thebodyisoneofthesesetsofagencies.
Inthisperspective,thetraditionalCartesiandistinctionbetween mind and body is supplanted by a conception of anindissolu- blemind-bodythatisimmersedinparticularsocialandmaterial environments. Accordingto theanthropologist Ingold [29],the relationshipsexperiencedby agents withintheseenvironments become embodied as capacities of awareness and response, or skills.Thefactthattheseskillscanbeconsideredembodieddis- positions for action hassimilarities with Bourdieu’sconcept of habitus.AsBourdieu[6,7]states,livedexperiencesinscribehabitus
intobodies,andthesehabitusconstituteschemesofperception, thoughtandaction,whichorientatepractices.It isimportantto notethathabitusguaranteestheconformityofpracticesperformed byindividualswithcollectiveprocesses.However,atthesametime, theseperformancesarenotjustmereimplementationsofsocial modelsandnorms,sinceparticularlifeexperiencesanddifferent situationsallowforadaptationandindividualcreativity.Habitus canthusbeunderstoodasa“socializedbiologicalbody”[7].That is,a “kindofpractical mastery”acquiredby“routinelycarrying outspecifictasksinvolvingcharacteristicposturesandgestures”, whichiswhatIngold[29,p.162]associateswithskill.Thus,through experienceandtraining intheperformanceof particularactivi- ties,skillsareincorporatedintohumanbodies[29].Bodiesbecome
“repositoriesofexperiences”,uniqueformsofknowledgewhich affecttheways peopleadapt tonewexperiences and consume [61].Insum,inthisview,lifeexperiencesandroutinesareways ofacquiringcompetences,understandingsanddispositionswhich areembeddedbothinbodyandmindandinfluenceindividuals’
capacitytoact.
Literature on the use of information and communication technologies hasprovided a good empirical illustration of this perspective. As pointed out by Christensen and Ropke [12,p.
241],computeruseisa“mental-bodilyroutinizedpractice”that, once learned through training, allows the user to apply the samecompetencesandunderstandingsinothersituations,such as using mobile phones, DVD players, or withdrawing money fromcashdispensers.Thus,wecansaythatthroughexperience and habitmostpeoplehave incorporatedskillsthat are shared withotherpracticesrequiringsimilarmental-bodilygesturesand logics(waysofdoingandthinking).Thesedispositionscanfacil- itate (or not)adaptation to new technologies, as when people who have learned to master the computer mouse and physi- calkeyboardsstartusingtouchscreens insmartphonesorother devices.
2.2. Objectsandmaterialcontexts
Besidesillustratingtherelevanceofembodiedskills,theexam- plesabovealsoshowhowobjectsarecloselyrelatedto(oreven integratedin)bodily-mentalroutines.Indeed,aspreviouslymen- tioned, technologies and material contexts are another set of agenciesformingpractices.Or,asputbyShoveetal.[56],things andmaterialshaveaconstitutiveroleineverydaylife.Thiscon- ceptionsharesinsightswithscienceandtechnologystudies,within whichliteratureontheagencyofnon-humanshasbeenfurther developed. Farfrom adopting a deterministicpoint of view on theinfluenceoftechnologyoversociety,practicetheoryfocuson howobjectsparticipateinthecontinualconfigurationofpractices.
AsillustratedbyLatour[32,p.77],thepracticeofbeinga“couch potato”infrontofatelevisionsethasbeen“permittedbytheTV command”whichallowstheviewertosurffromchanneltochannel despitehisimmobility.Objectsarethus“bearersofpredispositions forconsumption”[66,p.66].Thisperspectivehasbenefitedfrom Akrich’s[2]conceptofscript.Assheargues,technologiescanpre- scribeorpermitcertainrelationshipsbetweenusersandobjects throughaprocessof“inscribing”programsofactionintheobject.
Inthisprocess,designerstrytoembedintheobjecttheirvisions offutureusers’skills,purposesandunderstandings.However,as observedbyAkrich,processesof“description”alsooccur, inthe sensethatrealusersareactiveagentsinshapingtheirrelationships withobjects.Intunewiththedevelopmentoftechnologystudies, whichunderlineusers’activeappropriationoftechnologies,itcan besaidthat,bybringingtheirembodiedhabitsandexperiencesto howtheyusetechnologies,individualscanrejectthosescriptsand useobjectsinunexpectedwayswhichdifferfromtheonesintended bydesigners.
Objects are not isolated from material contexts. The devel- opment of domestication theory has shown the complexity of relationshipswiththeobjectswithinthesocio-technicalcontexts ofhouseholdsineverydaylife.Fromthispointofview,newtech- nologiesarelikewildanimalsthathavetobe“housetrained”or, inotherwords,“integratedintothestructures,dailyroutinesand valuesofusersandtheirenvironments”inordertobecomepart ofthefamily [4,p.2].Thisperspective highlightstheprocessof integratingartifactsintosettingsandassociatingthemwithprac- tices,peopleandotherthings[58].Insum,bothobjectsandthe socio-technicalcontextinwhichtheyareusedhavethecapacityto influencepractices.
Thereisevidenceofthisagencyintheliterature,forexample abouthowtheeconomiccontextcontributedtothepopulariza- tionofthemobilephoneamongadolescents.AsobservedbyLing and Yttri[36],akey elementintheadoption ofmobilephones byteenagershasbeenthepre-paidcardsystem.Duetothehigh costofphonecalls,thepre-paidcardaffordedparentsthepossibil- ityofavoidinglargebills,sincethecallsarepaidforbeforehand and, afterthat amountis spent,thephoneonly allowscalls or messagestobereceived.Furthermore,asSMStextmessagesare usuallycheaperthanphonecalls,teenagershavebeeninducedto usethemmore—andhavebecomeuserstoanextentthathadnot beenforeseenbydesigners[9].
Moreover,theagencyofmaterialcontextsismanifestifwecon- siderthatmobilephonesaredependentonwirelessnetworks,as wellasinterdependentwithothermobilephones,tosuchahigh degreethattheseinteractionsstronglyinfluencetheexperience ofusersandeventuallypractices:forexampleareliableandhigh qualitysignaltransmissioncanprovideasatisfyingfeelingandthus supportthehabitoflongphonecallsor,intheoppositesituation, inducetheuseofothermeansofcommunication.Theexpansionof theWi-Fiinfrastructurealsoencouragestheuseofwebbrowsing andsocialnetworkingthroughmobilephones.
2.3. Socio-culturalcontexts
Thethirddimensionofdistributedagencyweaddressconcerns socio-culturalcontexts.AccordingtoSahakianandWilhite[51], thisdimensionincludessettings,norms,values andinstitutions.
Changesintheseelementsmayalsoinfluenceshiftsinpractices.
Indeed, asshown byShove and Pantzar[55] thehistory of the practiceof(recreational)walkingisstronglyconnectedtotheinsti- tutionalizationofleisure,toconventionsandideologiesrelatedto nature,freedom,wellbeing andhealth, aswellas tomarketing.
Furthermore,theseconditionsvarybetweendifferentculturaland socialsettings.Thus,attentionneedstobepaidtothe“creation ofnorms,standardsandinstitutionswhichproducesharedunder- standingsandcommonprocedures”[64,p.295].Fromourpointof view,thisdimensionreferstothesharedlayerofknowledge(or cognitive-symbolicstructures)which,accordingtoReckwitz[46,p.
246],enablesasymbolicorganization ofrealitybylayingdown
“whichdesiresareregardedasdesirableandwhichnormsarecon- sideredtobelegitimate”. Thesesharedstructuresofknowledge seemtoprovidetheframeworkforandformulatetheconventions and expectationsregarding what canbeconsidered a“normal”
practice[54].
AgoodillustrationofthiswasprovidedbyPantzar[42]studyof thediffusionprocessofthemobilephoneinFinland.Inorderfor thistechnologytobeadoptedasanormalobjectineverydaylife, theuseofthemobilephonehadtobeembeddedwithinthevalues andnormsofthatspecificsocio-culturalcontext.Asitspread,and throughtheaccumulationofuserexperience,itcametobeseen asausefultool,notjustasatoyorafashionablegadget.Hence,as Pantzarobserved,theuseofthemobilephonebecameculturally stabilizedandasociallyacceptedneed.Norms,valuesandways
oforganizingeverydaylifesuchastheextensionofthepossibility ofmakingsocialcontact,expandingoccasionsforinteractionwith familyand friends,micro-coordinating interactions inreal time [36],reproducingfeelingsof“closeness”or“connectedpresence”in relationships[33,10],assertingautonomy[9],andevenproviding asenseofsecurity[34],seemtohavebeendecisiveinthenormal- izationofthemobilephoneuseineverydaylife.Asobservedby Sorensen[58],withthediffusionofthemobilephoneinNorway, accesstoitbecamepressing.Furthermore,thefeelingofbelong- ingorbeingpartofagroupurgesusersalwaystocarrythemobile phonewiththemandtohaveitturnedon,andthus,“overtime, acollectivedomesticationproducesnewnormsandexpectations thatinfluencethewaytheartifactisused,themeaningitsignifies, andthepossibilitiesoflearningnewwaysofdoingandthinking aboutit”[58,p.56].
2.4. Distributedagencyandchangeinpracticesdependenton energyconsumption
Theconceptofdistributedagencymayhelptounderstandhow practicesemerge,stabilize,changeandeventuallydisappear.As shownintheliteratureabovementioned,theagencyofthesethree dimensions contributes to the continual configuration of prac- tices.Tobesure,fromthestandpointofpracticetheory,agency isnotunderstoodasresultingfromindividualrationalchoiceand interests,northeoutcomeofsocialstructures.Aspointedoutby Giddens,actionisbothshapedandenabledbysocialstructures,and thesedependontheirreproductionthroughhumanaction;hence, practicesdependonformsofpracticalknowledgeguidedbystruc- turalfeatureslikerulesandresources([19];cit.in[56]).Inpractice theory,individuals(orpractitioners)arethereforeunderstoodas carriers ofpractices [46,56].Theanalysis ofthedynamic inter- connectionsbetweentheelementsthatintegratepracticesenables tounderstandhowthesechangei.e.,areformed,reproducedand dissolved[43].
From ourpoint of view,understanding how these different dimensionsformpracticescontributestoenvisaginghowenergy consumption is embedded in everyday life. However, energy consumption,ortheconsumptionofotherresources(e.g.,water orrawmaterials),canbeunderstoodasameansofaccomplishing certainpractices[63]or“anoutcome”ofperformingpractices[62], notasa practiceitself. Forexample,postingmessages tosocial mediaonamobilephoneimpliesconsumingbatterypower.While postingmessagesorvideosisanactivityrecognizableasapractice (accordingtoWarde’s[64]criteriaforidentifyingpractices),using theelectricityrequiredtoaccomplishthatpracticeisnot—despite practitioners’ need to ensure its availability. Thus, watching videosonthemobilephone,forinstance,impliestakingonother activities,suchassimplyplugginginthephonetoapowersupply, ormanagingthebattery’slifebyorchestratingcompetencessuch asturning offfeatures and other servicesthat drain itspower.
Therefore, we analyze the practices of charging and managing thepowerofmobilephones(inextricablyinterwovenwithother co-dependent practices related to mobile phone use), and not simplyofconsumingenergythroughtheuseofmobilephones.
Asargued by Gram-Hanssen [22], if energy consumption is consideredpartofseveraldifferentpractices, weshouldexam- inewhetherchanges in parallel practices affectother practices whichhavesimilarelements(technologies,know-howorother).
Therefore,consideringthatthebodily-mentalactivitiesinvolvedin mobilephonebatterymanagementarearoutinizedpracticesimilar totheuseofdifferenttechnologieswhichrequirethesamecom- petencesandunderstandings,analyzingtheroutines,competences andunderstandingsrelatedtomobilephonesbatterymanagement mayshed lightonavarietyof practicesthatinvolvetheuseof batteries.
3. Settinganempiricalstudyofchargingandmanaging mobilephonebatteries
Practicetheorieshavebeensubjecttocriticismforavarietyof reasons,akeyissuebeingthefactthatpractices(andnotindividu- als)shouldbeconsideredtheunitofanalysis,whichinturnraises theproblemofdefiningtheboundariesofapractice[64].Onthe topicoftheanalysisofinformationandcommunicationtechnolo- giesbasedonapracticetheoryapproach,ChristensenandRopke [12]notedtheambiguityinthedelimitationofdifferentpractices thatincludethesetechnologies.Forexample,themobilephonecan beusedinadiversityofpracticessuchasinteractingwithfriendsor playinggames.Inthisarticlewefocusparticularlyonbatterycharg- ingandmanagement.Thus,weanalyzetheinterwovenactivities carriedoutinordertoguaranteemobilephones’power.
Resultspresentedinthisarticlearepartofaresearchproject on energy consumption related toteenagers’ use of electronic media.Our projectcombinesquantitativeand qualitativemeth- ods,asthiskindofmixedmethodapproachprovidesinsightsfor understandingthediversity of theperformancesanalyzed both in extensiveand in intensiveforms. In linewiththis approach wecarriedoutasurveyandinterviewswithadolescentsenrolled in three schools in Lisbon, Portugal. In order to guarantee a diversifiedsample,eachschoolrepresentsdistinctsocio-economic backgrounds.Oneoftheschoolsisaregularsecondarystate-funded school(andthustheparentsoftheenrolledpupilshaveavariety ofsocio-economicstatuses);asecondstate-fundedschooloffers work-oriented/professionalcourses,withmoststudents coming fromlowerincomefamilies;thethird schoolisanelite private school,withmostpupilsbelongingtowell-offfamilies.
Throughthesurveywecollecteddataonthemessuchasthe electronicmediaowned,thefrequency, intensity,activitiesand placesof electronicmediause, and somedoingsrelated tothe energyconsumptionofthesedevices.Studentsrespondedtothis paper-and-pencil questionnaire during one class period, in the presence of one of the researchers. The survey wasconducted betweenNovember2014andJanuary2015.Thesampleincludes 748studentsenrolledintheninthtotwelfthgrade.Intotal54%of respondentsareboysand46%aregirls.Theaverageageis16.
Theintervieweeswererecruitedamongthesurveyrespondents.
Ahighernumberofgirlswerewillingtoparticipateand,there- fore,only8outof22interviewswereconductedwithboys.Nine intervieweeswereenrolledattheregularschool,nineatthepri- vateschool,andfourattheprofessionalschool.Themescovered includedtheirdailyroutinesofelectronicmediause,engagements with electronic media(meanings, attachment, peerand family pressures),competencesinelectronicmediaandenergyconsump- tion(knowledge,skills),andmaterialenvironment(devicesowned, access to related services and infrastructures). On averagethe interviewslasted 104min.Theseinterviewstookplacebetween December2014andMarch2015.Afterbeingfullytranscribed,the interviewsweresubjecttoqualitativecontentanalysis.Theprocess ofcodingtheinterviewsevolvedfromaninitialsetofcategories correspondingtothethemesexplored,toasecondcodingaimed atidentifyingthecontentsrelatedtobodies,objects,andsocio- culturalcontexts.Afterthatwere-analyzedtheinterviewslooking for practices related tocharging and managingmobile phones’
power(thirdcoding).Thefollowingcategorieswerethenidenti- fied:emergenceofelementarybatteryuse,accelerationofrhythm andestablishmentoflinks,andnormalization.Thefindingspre- sentedherearebasedontheintersectionsobservedbetweenthe secondandthirdcodingprocesses.
4. Practicesofchargingandmanagingthepowerofmobile phones
Inthefollowingweobservediverseconfigurationsintherela- tionshipsbetweenbodies,objectsandsocio-culturalcontexts.As the interconnections between these dimensions are redefined, practicesofchargingandmanagingthepowerofmobilephones emerge.Inordertoanalyzehowtheconfigurationsbetweenthese dimensionsco-evolve,welookatthechangeswhichhaveoccurred inthe(short)lifecourseofadolescents.
4.1. Emergenceofelementarybatteryuse
Somestudiesindicatethatparentstendtoencouragetheuse ofinformationandcommunicationtechnologiesbychildrenasa wayoffavoringtheiropportunitiesinlife[20,37,53].Moreover,the useofthemobilephoneinparticularhasbeenpointedouttobe promotedbyparentsasawayofprovidingcontrol[24],asenseof security[34],orcloseness[10]intheirrelationswiththeirchildren.
Datafromourinterviewswithadolescentsshowthatinmany casestheirfirstmobile phonewasgiven tothemontheirpar- ents’initiative,andnotduetoarequestoftheirown.Furthermore, datafromoursurveyshowthattheaverageageatwhichthefirst mobilephonewasobtainedwas10years(SD=2.08).Thisispre- ciselywhenchildrenmovefromprimaryschoolstothenextlevel ofeducation,whichusuallyimpliesattendinglargerschoolswith lesssocialcontrol.Oftentherearealsochangesintheirorganization ofeverydaylife,duetodifferentschoolhoursandtheirenrollment inafter-schoolactivities.Thesechangessometimesmeanthatchil- drenstartcommutingbythemselves,orthattheystartneedingto calltheirrelativestopickthemupattheendofthedayortotake themtoafter-schoolactivities.Themobilephonethenbecomesa devicethatentersintochildren’severydaylifewithquitelimited functionality—itsuseismostlyrestrictedtocontactingchildren’s parents.AsVítor1 toldus,hisfirstmobilephonewasjustmeant tolethisparentsknowwherehewas,andwhetheroneofthem wasalreadywaitingfortheotherwhenpickuparrangementswere made.
Insomecases,thesemobilephoneswerenotevenownedbythe children,butonlylenttothemforthetimetheywereatschool(so thattheycoulduseit“incaseofemergency”,asOlíviaexplainedto us).Inaddition,themaintenanceofthedevicewasnotexpectedto beensuredbythechild.Thuseventhoughthebatterywasalready presentasanobject,thechildwasnotrequiredtodevelopanyskill relatedtoit.
ThecaseofDanielaillustratesthisprocesswell.Herfirstmobile phonewasgiventoherbyhermotherwhenshewassevenyears old.Atthetimeshewasonlyabletouseittocallhermother—“I didn’tknowverywellhowtouseit”.Shewasnotfullyawareofthe requirementsoftheobject,asthemobilephonehadnotacquired muchmeaningforheryet,butsheremembershermother’sconcern aboutit:
“Mymotherusedtosay«Daniela,goandgetthechargerandplugit in.»BecauseIdidn’teventhinkaboutit.Itwasmoreimportantfor hersothatshecouldcommunicatewithme,thanforme.Ididn’t careaboutthat,butshewasalwayssaying‘gogetthecharger,you havetochargeyourmobilephonesothatIcancontactwithyou tomorrow.”(Daniela)
Thus,inthecaseofDaniela,shewasaskedtoembodytheaction ofchargingherphone,butshewasnotexpectedtomasterthat skillbyherself.Althoughcarryingoutthattaskgavehertraining,
1Thenamesoftheintervieweesarealiases.
shehadnotdevelopedyetafullconnection(i.e.,afullmental-body disposition)withtheobject,asthisconnectionwasinfactmediated byhermother.Indeed,therelevanceofusingthemobilephonewas stillverylimitedandcircumscribedtocontactinghermother,and thedevice’sneedforenergywasregulatedbyhermother.
In thecase of Eduardo,charginghisfirst mobilephone was straightforward.Althoughnobodyelsewasregulatinghismobile phone’s power usage, hisembodiment of the skillof charging thephonewaselementary,involvingonlyminimalbodily-mental activity:“itwasjustcharging;Ihadnotechniqueoranythingto makeit[thebattery]lastlonger.(...)Itwassimple”.Insomecases, itwastheobjectitselfthatrequestedtobecharged,bybeeping whenitsbatterywasrunningdown.Thus,asClarasuggested,they didnotneedtohavethatontheirminds.
Whenthe adolescents of ourstudy began having theirfirst mobilephones,thesedeviceswerealreadypresentintheirevery- daylives.Manyoftheirolderfamilymembersownedone,andsome oftheirschoolmateswerealsobeginningtohavetheirown.Inthis socio-culturalcontext,theseobjectswerecomingtoberegardedas desirable,eventhoughtheirusewasverylimitedandhadnotbeen integratedwithotherpracticessuchascontactingtheirfriendsor social networking.AsMadalena toldus,sheasked fora mobile phonewhenshewasaroundtenyearsoldbecausesomeofher schoolmatesalreadyhadone.Butshe“didn’tevenuseit.”“Itwas justtocarryitwithme.(...)ItwasjusttosayIhadone.”
Thus, despitethepotentialfor agencyof bodies,objectsand socio-culturalcontexts,theinterconnectionsbetweenthemwere notindeedestablishedtothepointofformingpracticesofcharging andmanagingthepowerofmobilephones.Theelementsexisted buthadnotyetbeenintegrated[43].Inthefollowingsectionwe lookattheprocessofcreatinglinksbetweentheseelements.
4.2. Accelerationofrhythmandestablishmentoflinks
Mobilephoneshavegonethroughsignificantchangesinrecent years.Sincetheintroductionofthefirstsmartphones,notjusttheir physical characteristics(size,screens,keyboards)and operating systems(withincreasingprocessingpower,memoryandfeatures, functionsand applicationsavailable)havechangedsignificantly, batterieshavealsoevolved.Batteriesarenowthinner,lighter,have highercapacityandtakelesstimetocharge.However,theincreas- ingfunctionalityofsmartphoneshastakenatollonbatterypower [8,1,17].Ifoldermobilephonescouldrunforseveraldaysbefore theyneededtoberecharged,veryoftensmartphonesneeddaily charging.
Mobiletelephony’smaterialcontexthasalsochangedconsid- erably,asthedevelopmentofwirelessinfrastructureshasallowed forincreasingspeedandwidercoverage.Mostteenagersweinter- viewedhavelimitedaccesstotheinternetontheirmobilephones duetoitshighcost.ThisencouragesthemtorelyonWi-Finetworks, whichareincreasinglyavailableinpublicspaces,suchascommer- cialcenters,publictransport,andsoforth.Thematerialcontextof schoolshasalsoevolved.Followingagovernmentdecision,since early2006allpublicschoolsinPortugalofferfreewirelessbroad- bandaccesstotheinternet.Despite somecomplaintsregarding speed,thisinfrastructurestrengthenedadolescents’mobilephone usethroughout the day,and even during classes, regardlessof schools’regulationsforbiddingusesnotrelatedtoclasses.Infact, 90.4%ofoursurveyrespondentssaidthattheyusetheirmobile phonesatschool,nearlyasmuchasathome(90.7%).
Moreover, inasmuch as mobile phones have a diversity of featurescommontootherinformationandcommunicationtech- nologies, suchasthe ability toplay music and video, cameras, games,accesstotheinternet,instantmessaging,email,andeven word processing and spreadsheet facilities, therelationshipsof thesedeviceswithothertechnologieshavealsochanged.Onthe
onehand,similaritiesbetweentechnologies(alsoregardingbat- teryuse)allowfortransfersofembodiedskillsandknow-how.On theotherhand,theincreasingmobilityofmobilephonesduetothe expansionofwirelessinfrastructures,togetherwiththeirgrowing multi-functionality,makethesedevicesapervasive“musthave”or an“addiction”,assometimesmentionedintheinterviews.Several adolescentstoldusthattheyevenpreferusingtheirsmartphone insteadofthecomputer,as thesmartphone isfaster and more practical.
“WiththemobilephoneIcanbeincontactwithpeople,andit’snot somuchbecauseofsocialnetworks,(...)butalsobecausenowthat Ihaveasmartphone,andthereareapplicationsforeverything...It alsohelpswithschoolwork(...).Themobilephonebasicallyhelps mewitheverything.IfIneedsomehelp,ifIneedtobereminded ofsomethingtodo,ifIneedtotalktosomeone,Iusethephone.”
(Bruno)
Thus,theagencyofbothobjectsandmaterialcontextbecome visible.Asthemulti-functionalityofsmartphones,togetherwith theirhighportability,makethemindispensableobjects,therhythm oftheiruseisaccelerated.Temporalpatternsofnon-usearenow shorter.Indeed,theownersofoldermobilephonesattributetheir lackofengagementwiththesedevicestothefactthattheydonot havethefeaturesofnewermobilephones.ThecaseofAntónio, whoownsanoutdatedmobilephone,illustratesthis.Headmitted thathisdeviceisnotveryimportanttohimbecauseitisnot a smartphone.Ifitwas,hebelieveshewoulduseitmore.Asitis not,hereliesonthecomputerandthetelevisionmorethanother interviewees.Thusthenewfeaturesofsmartphonescontributeto acceleratingtherhythmofuse.
Inorderforthisaccelerationtohappen,linksneedtobeestab- lishedbetweenobjectandbody.Asseveralintervieweestoldus, sincetheyhaveasmartphone,theyhavedevelopednewhabits.
Thisincludestheadmittedly“annoying”(Cristiano)habitofcheck- ingtheirphoneoverandoveragain,evenknowingthatnothing hashappened,andthereisnomessage,asthedevicehasnotsig- naledanynotification.AsCristianotoldus,“everyone”whousesa smartphonedevelopedthishabitofhandlingtheirsmartphones:
they(himselfincluded) takeit, unlockit, andlook atit, asthe expectationofsomethinghappeningisanoverridingfeeling.As heexplained,thedevice“hassomanythings”,that“oneisalways expectingsomethingnew,especiallywhenonehasaccesstothe internet”.Theseembodiedskillsordispositionsforactionarenot merelybodyhabits.AsJúliatoldus,whenshedoesnothaveher mobilephonewithher,shecannotreceiveinformation,notifica- tionsorinvitations,andthatmakesherfeel“excluded”.AsJúlia admitted,itbothershernottohavehermobilephoneinherpocket:
“Iguessitisanaddiction.”Andasoneothergirltriedtoexplain, thehabitofhavingandusinghermobilephoneissoentangledwith herbodythat,whenshedoesnothaveitnexttoher,shejust“feels”
itsabsence:
“WhenIdon’thavemymobilephone,ifIforgetit,Ifeelit,because it’salmostasifIdidn’thavesomethingnexttome,andthen...it’s afeeling...asit’salwaysclosetome,whenitisn’tinthepocketit’s afeelingandthenIremember.”(Diana)
Thus,thefeelingofaneedtohavethemobilephonealways availablebecomesembodied.Thisembodimentisvisibleinother ways.Severalintervieweesdescribedhowtheytakecareinorder tokeeptheirmobilephonesalwaysclosetothem,whetherintheir pocketsorintheirbags,wherevertheygo(sometimesevenwhen theytakeashower),andalsotheirstrategiestoneverforgetit(such asputtingitonthebedwhiletheyaregettingdressedinthemorn- ingtomakeitmorevisible).Topickitupandtocarryitwiththem
“isthatautomaticthing”asDanielaexplains.Someofthemalso
admittogoingbackhometopickitupiftheyhappentoforgetit onthewayout—eveniftheyarerunninglate.
Furthermore,thesocio-culturalcontexthasalsochanged.Now thereareclearnormsregardingwhatisadesirablemobilephone, andwhatisnot.Agirlweinterviewedillustratedthiswellwhen sheadmittedthatherdreamwastoownaniPhone,becausethat isthemobilephone“everyonewantstohave”.Onthecontrary, havingamobilephoneliketheoneofAntónio’sisoftencriticized bythepeergroup-oldermodelsofmobilephonesarereferredto asbeing“rotten”or“fromtheStoneAge”.Hence,thesocio-cultural contextshapesmobilephoneusebypressuringadolescentstoward demonstratingtheirconformitywithsharedvaluesandnorms.On theonehand,thatisthecaseforowningcertaintypesofmobile phones,suchasthelatestsmartphones,especiallyfromtheleading brands.Indeed,asobservedbyGram-Hanssen[20],mobilephones seemtobehighlyloadedwithstatusandsymbols,andteenagers with“embarrassing”mobilephonesusethemlessfrequently.On theotherhand,another kindof peerpressure observedshapes thedisplayof adesirable youthfullifestyle.Duetotheirmulti- functionalityandportability,mobilephonesareavaluableobject forthatpurpose. Theirabilitytophotographandrecordvideos, andtoimmediatelyuploadthemthroughsocialnetworkingappli- cations,providethepossibilitytoshow(andprove)attendanceata musicfestival,thetastingofadelicacyoreventhemostbanal(non-) events.Theneedtocontinuallyfeedsocialmediaassumestherefore intensiveuseofthesedevices.Ourintervieweesdescribed(often witha critical slant) many performances enacted by teenagers throughtheuseofmobilephonesinordertobeconsidered“social”
orpopular,suchasintensivelytakingpicturesofthemselves(self- ies)andimmediatelypostingthemonsocialmedialikeFacebookor Instagram.Inadifferentway,thesocio-culturalcontextalsopres- suresthemtowarddisplayingintensiveuseofmobilephones,as thisisconnotedwithhavingmanyfriendstotalkto.Indeed,the highnumberofSMStextmessagesreportedinoursurveytobesent everydaysuggestssomerespondentsmighthaveoverestimated that,asinsomecasestheyindicatedseveralhundreds.2
These findings show how the co-evolutionof these diverse agencies establishes links between the features of the object (smartphone),itsmaterialsurroundings(wirelessinfrastructure), theusers’bodies (embodiedhabits)andthesocio-cultural con- text(norms,values).Intensifiedmobilephoneusefitseveryday life’stemporalpatterns(e.g.,wakingupandgettingreadytogo to school, commuting, classes and breaks as well as different weekday/weekend uses)and spaces (e.g., home, school). How- ever,temporalandspatialpatternsofmobilephoneuseneedto besynchronizedwith(shorter)batterylifecycles.Therefore,bat- terypowerneedstobeorchestratedinaccordancewithmultiple circumstances,sincein ordertoaccomplishthis accelerationof rhythm,chargingupthephone’sbatteryandmanagingitspower becomesakeyperformanceissue.Practicesofbatterymanagement emerge.
4.3. Normalization
Astheuseofthemobilephoneacceleratesitsrhythmandthose threedimensionsareactivelyinterconnected,wemayobservethe formation of practices of chargingand managingthepower of mobilephones.Smartphone’sfeatures suchastouchscreendis- plays, multiplenetwork connections,location technologies and operating systems significantlyincrease their energy consump- tioncomparedtolesssophisticatedmobilephones.Thisdemand
2Duetoagreatdispersionofresults,weconsiderthemedianinsteadofthemean:
thus,halfofrespondentssaidthattheysend50orlessSMSmessageseveryday.The highestfrequency(mode)is100SMSsenteveryday.
Table1
Managementofmobilephonefeaturesorfunctionsinordertomakethebatterylast longer(n=748).6
Frequency %
Always 30.7
Veryfrequently 22.8
Frequently 18.6
Notfrequently 12.1
Rarely 7.4
Never 8.4
forpowerisincreasedbythefactthatmanyapplicationsrequire an internet connection. Smartphones are thus “power-hungry devices”[1].However,theirfunctioningdependsonbatterieswith limitedcapacities.Thebatterypoweristhereforea“fundamental andhighlyconstrainedresource”and“oneofthemostremarkable”
constraintsaffectingtheuseofthesedevices[17].AsputbyCarroll andHeiser[8,p.1],thesmartphone’s“richfunctionalityincreases thepressureonbatterylifetime,anddeepenstheneedforeffective energymanagement.”
Ourinterviewees,especiallythosewhousesmartphones,are wellawareofthispowerhunger,andofthefactthatthesedevices needtobefedinordertostay“alive”.Interestingly,tosaythata phone“dies”whenitsbatteryrunsoutisacommonexpression.
Andlikealivingorganism,themobilephone(especiallywhenitis
“smart”)isalwaysconsumingpower,evenwhenidle.
“Thesemobilephones[smartphones]...evenifIdon’tuseitnow, itisdraining,becauseithastheappsrunning,itisalwaysactive andreceivingthings...”(Clara)
Giventhepervasivenessofmobilephonesinadolescents’every- daylives,andthefactthattheyintegrateseveraloftheireveryday practices(e.g.,socialnetworking,webbrowsing,communicating withfamilyandfriends),ensuringfullychargedbatteriesbecomes aneed.Thisturnsintoaroutine,andatthesametimebatteryman- agementskillsbecomeembodied.Infact,surveyresultssuggest thatmostteenagersinthis studyhavesomeembodied routines ofmanagingtheirmobilephone’sfeaturesorfunctionsinorderto makethebatterylastlonger,as53.5%saythattheyalwaysorvery frequentlydothis.Whilst8.4%saythattheyneverdoit,weshould notethatthisincludesthenumberofrespondents(3.1%)reporting notusingamobilephone(seeTable1).
Bruno’scaseisagoodillustrationofhowthispracticeofcharg- ing and managing thepower of the mobilephone is indeed a bodily-mentalperformance.Heexplainedthathisconcernabout thebatteryinduceshimtoregularlycheckitsremainingpower;
basedonthatandonwhatheexpectstodothroughouttheday untilhearriveshome(wherehecanchargehisbattery),hecalcu- lateshowheshouldusehisphoneinorderalwaystohavebattery power.
“Iusuallymanagemybattery.Ihaveaconcern,sotospeak,about mybattery.IseetheamountofbatteryIhaveleft.Forinstance,I have70%andIthinkwhatamIgoingtodofromnowon(...)until Igethome...(...)andIthink«thisisenoughtousetherestofthe day»or«Ionlyhave30%»,(...)[if]Idon’twanttospendmorethan 10%,Igetto10%andIstop.ThenIproceedmoreorlessasif... well,Imakeanestimationandsee...(...)IfIhave30%power,I don’tneedanyofthat[listeningtomusicwhilstwalking],man,I’ll saveabitofpower,andwon’tlistentomusicforawhile,there’s noharminthat...I’malwayscheckingmybatteryforwhatIneed, andInevergothomewithlessthan20%ofpoweronmyphone.”
(Bruno)
6M=4.32,SD=1.59(1=never;6=always).
Besidesthecurtailmentactsmentionedinthisquote,diverse otheractivitiescorrespondtobatterymanagementskills,suchas turningofffunctionsand featureswhentheyarenotnecessary.
Forexample,severalintervieweessaidthattheyturnonthe“flight mode”(althoughusingthisfunctioninawaydifferentthanthat intendedbythedesigners)whentheyareseekingtoextendthe poweroftheirbatteries.Byswitchingofftheirnetworkconnec- tions,this certainlysavespower.However,themobilephoneis programmedtooperatewithallitsfeatures,andunlesstheuser rememberstoturnthemoff,theyremainactive.
“WhenI’mnotusingit[Wi-Fi]Iturnitoff.Whathappensis,when I’matschoolIturnitonbecauseIknowIhaveinternet,but[later]
whenIrealizethatitison,andhadn’tseenit,Iturnitoff.”(Daniela) Addingtotheseskills,someintervieweesrefertoapplications orfeaturesintegratedinmobilephonesthatallowpowersaving, suchasan“ecomode”thatlowersscreenbrightnessandturnsoff Wi-Ficonnections,oranapplicationthataccordingtoBrunocuts offthepowersupplyfromthesocketwhenthebatteryischarged.
“Ihaveanappthatcontrolsthat,whenitreaches100%overcharges fortwominutesandthenthatappcutstheconnectionbetweenthe mobilephoneandthechargeranditdoesn’tchargeanymore.That isveryconvenienttomebecausethiswayIcanchargeitduring thenight;afterIhavedrainedthebatterythroughouttheday,Igo tosleep(...)andIchargeit(...).”(Bruno)
As managing the power of theirmobile phones becomes a widespreadpracticeand anembodied habit,findingthemselves deprivedof using theirmobilephonesbecausetheyran outof powerisnotafrequentsituation.Actually,accordingtooursur- veyfindings,21.5%saytheyareveryofteninthissituation,while 35.9%claimthatthis“never”or“rarely”happenstothem(M=3.24, SD=1.44).3Girlsmightbelessskilledinmanagingbatterypower, astheirmobilephonesmore oftenrunout ofpower(M=3.37;
SD=1.44)compared toboys(M=3.13;SD=1.42).4 Toavoidthis situation,manyofthemchargetheirmobilephonessevendaysa week(M=6.39;SD=5.22).Indeed,manyintervieweestoldusthat theychargeitovernight,whiletheyareasleep.Again,girlscharge theirmobilephonebatteriesmoreoften(M=6.51;SD=3.45)than boys(M=5.74;SD=3.08).5
Thesepracticesarenotnecessarilyorientedtoenergyefficiency.
Forexample,Raquelexplainedthatsometimessheuseshercom- puterinsteadofthemobilephonetoavoid“drainingthebattery”of thelatter.Filipashowedthatsheisonlyconcernedaboutensuring thefunctionalityofhermobilephone:
“SometimesIliketousethemobilephonewhileit’schargingup.
BecausethiswayI’mnotrunningdownthebattery!”(Filipa) Furthermore,asBarbaratoldus,somesmartphones’batteries
“aremeanttonotlastlong”—onlyoneday.Thispointstoanother formofmaterialagency—thefactthatbatteriesbecomelesseffi- cient over time. This encourages performances which prevent batterieswearingout,asalmostalwaysthisimpliesthereplace- mentofthemobilephone.
“(...)beforebuyingItalkedwithmyfatheraboutthemobilephone andhetoldmethattopreventiPhones’batterieswearingoutthey havetofullydischarge,runallthewaydown;otherwisethebattery willbecomewornout.SoIalwaysdidthat:useituntilitrunsout andthenfullychargeit.”(Bárbara)
3Theresponsescaleofthesequestionsvariesbetween1(never)and6(always).
4Thisdifferenceisstatisticallysignificant(t(737)=2.30;p<.05).
5Thisdifferenceisstatisticallysignificant(t(718)=3.204;p<.05).
However,mosttimesthesepracticesdonotseemtobebased onwell-grounded,formalknowledge,butonpracticalknowledge andprocessesofinformallearning,asmanydonot“wastetime searching”(Daniela)forinformationonbatterymanagement.And often“myths”orjokescirculateamongadolescents.AsJúliatold us,sometimesherfriendssuggesteithertotrytoputthebatteryin thefreezerortowarmitupinordertomakeitlastlonger.
5. Conclusion
Thisanalysisshowstheemergenceandnormalizationofprac- ticesofchargingandmanagingthepowerofmobilephonesamong adolescents.Atanearlystage,despitethefactthatmobilephones arealready present in theireveryday lives,their bodily-mental skillsregardingtheuseofthesedevices(and,moreimportantly, theirpowerconsumption)areelementary.Thereisalreadyasocio- culturalcontextfavorabletotheuseofmobilephones,butbodies, objectsandsocio-culturalcontextarenotsufficientlyinterwoven.
Datashowthatwhenmostintervieweesbeginusingasmart- phone,thereisaprocessofaccelerationoftheirrhythmofmobile phoneandbatteryuse.Severalelementsconvergeandflowinto theestablishmentofinterconnectionsbetweenbodies,objectsand socio-culturalcontext.Thustheneedtoorchestratebatterypower togetherwiththesedifferentagenciesleadstotheformationof practicesofchargingandmanagingthepowerofmobilephones.
Theprocessofnormalization(andreproduction)oftheseprac- ticesthenallowsthesuccessfulintegrationofmobilephonesinto everydaylife.Indeedwhenthesepracticesdonotbecomenormal, tensionand disruptioncanemerge.Aswhen themobilephone needstoberechargedearlierthanexpectedor achargeris not available,co-dependentpracticesmaybeaffectedorthwarted.
Practices of charging and managing battery power include techniquesthatenhanceenergyefficiency(suchasloweringunnec- essary screen brightness), curtailment measures (such as not listeningtomusic)oractionsthatdonotsaveanyenergy(simply chargingthebatterysooner,evenifithassubstantialenergyleft,or usinganotherdevice,likeanMP3player).Itisparticularlyclearthat girlsgetintothehabitofchargingthebatteryovernightmoreeas- ilythanlearninghowtomanagebatterypowermoreefficiently.
Thus, thenormalizationof these practicesdoes notnecessarily bring a positive outlook toward the transitionto a sustainable energysystem.Practicesofchargingandmanagingbatterypower areinstrumentalinsecuringthefunctioningofanobjectwhichis keyforperformingothermeaningfulco-dependentpractices(e.g., socialnetworking),butnotmeanttoreduceenergyconsumption.
Asthesepracticesaremostly orientedtowardsecuringtheser- vicesdesired,adolescentsarenotnecessarilyincorporatingskills anddispositionstowardenergyefficiency.
Furthermore,itisverylikelythattheproliferationoftechnolo- giesusingbatteriesineverydaylifewillcontinuetoincreaseinthe future.Withoutchangesintheinterconnectionsbetweenbodies, objectsandsocio-culturalcontextsit is unlikelythat thetrans- ferof thesepractices toothertechnologieswillresultinhigher energyefficiency.Infact,asthisstudyshows,theseinterconnec- tionshavebeenco-evolvinginwaysthatenhancecontinuoususe andintensifiedintegrationofdigitaltechnologiesintoeverydaylife and,therefore,moreenergyconsumption.
However, as observed by Christensen et al. [11], although teenagers’awarenessofenergyconsumptionassociatedwiththe useofinformationandcommunicationtechnologiesisquitelim- ited,theirexperienceswithmobiledevicesprovidethempractical knowledgeabouttheelectricityconsumptionofthesedevices.Thus thereisapossibilitythatundersomecircumstancesthesepractices mightprovidepowermanagementskillsapplicabletotheuseof othertechnologies.Inanycase,asthe“practicalmastery”[29]of managingbatterypowerismainlyacquiredthroughtheexperience
ofmobilephonehandling,energyefficiencymightbepromoted whendesigningtheseobjectsbymakingpowermanagementmore intuitiveandeasytouse.
A previousstudyshowed thatPortuguese teenagersare not proactiveregardingenergysaving,especiallywhenitisrelatedto digitaltechnologiesduetotheirimportanceintheireverydaylife [53].ThisisinlinewithwhathasbeenobservedinotherEuropean countries[11]andwesurmisethatitmaynotbemuchdifferent fromotherurbancontemporarysocieties.However,weshouldbear inmindthespecificityofthislifestage.Itwouldbeworthcarry- ingoutfurtherstudiesonwhathappenstothesepractices’careers whenthesepractitionersgetolderandtheybuildnewlinksintheir livesbetweenpracticesandtheirinnerelements.
Acknowledgments
TheauthorsareverygratefultoKirstenGram-Hanssen,theedi- torsofthisspecialissue,andtwoanonymousreviewersfortheir valuable comments and generous suggestions. The resultspre- sentedarepartofaresearchprojectdevelopedwiththesupport oftheInstituteofSocialSciences,UniversityofLisbon,andfunded bythePortugueseFoundationforScienceandTechnologyunder theawardEXPL/IVC-SOC/2340/2013.
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