Western governments were very disappointed with the Zimbabwean regime, which, in their opinion, did not take advantage of the opportunities offered by Mugabe's departure. The formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999 by a number of civil movements led to the first opposition party to seriously challenge ZANU-PF rule. The legitimacy of the nation-state is rarely questioned, and the right to citizenship is guaranteed by Zimbabwe's constitution.
Zimbabwe's health sector was unprepared for COVID, and had only limited ICU capacity in the early stages of the pandemic. First, the removal of Mugabe in 2017 was a clear indication of the important role of Zimbabwe's military in political processes. One of the key changes made to the legal framework was the replacement of the infamous Public Order and Safety Act (POSA).
The principle of separation of powers is one of the founding values of the Zimbabwean constitution. Between May, three female opposition members of the MDC alliance were kidnapped, sexually abused and tortured. In addition, Human Rights Watch noted how unidentified assailants, believed to be state security agents, kidnapped and tortured more than 70 government critics in 2020.
Furthermore, a number of social movements and civil society organizations were involved in the establishment of the MDC.
Economic Transformation
As a result of the economic problems, Zimbabwe's economy is largely informal, with about 90% of the population working in the informal sector. These results are further reflected in the non-competitive nature and organization of the formal economy, which is largely dominated by cartels. During the Government of National Unity period, Zimbabwe recorded the best growth rates in the sub-Saharan African region, with an all-time high of 12.9% in 2012.
This led to the launch of the Economic Structural Adjustment Program in the 1990s with the aim of creating a free market and liberalizing imports and exports. The sector is governed by the Banking Act with direct supervision by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ). But leading Zimbabwean economists questioned the government's portrayal of the banking sector as almost all indigenous banks have collapsed.
Demand for cash exceeded supply, leading to a continued rise in the parallel market premium for the dollar, undermining the viability of the fiscal and currency regime. The introduction of the auction system, combined with reining in lack of discipline in financial markets, curbed inflation figures, which fell to 348% in December. The role of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) has been highly contested for decades, particularly in fueling the hyperinflation of 2007 with the continuous printing of money.
It is important to note that this was not new money, but based on reprioritization from the 2020 budget. The free movement of assets and trading of private property is guaranteed in Zimbabwe, but in reality it is one of the most controversial issues in the country. As stated in the 2021 National Budget, "the challenging environment facing the country has led to increases in the number of vulnerable households while the capacity of the existing social safety nets has equally weakened."
One of the weaknesses of Zimbabwe's social system is its over-reliance on development partner funding. In early 2020, the World Bank predicted that global remittances would fall by up to 20%, as a result of the impact of global COVID-19 lockdowns on the employment opportunities of those in the diaspora. FDI inflows fell to $249 million in 2019 and are projected to further decline to $150 million in 2020, due to increased perceived country risk and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.
For decades, Zimbabwe was believed to have one of the best education systems in Africa, with one of the highest literacy rates on the continent. However, it is important to note that 90% of the allocation to primary and secondary education is for employment costs.
Level of Difficulty
In the 1990s, two important events in Zimbabwe led to the emergence of a wide range of social movements and civil society organizations (CSOs). First, the worsening economic conditions due to mismanagement and economic structural adjustment programs led to strong civic campaigns led by the labor and student movements. The growth of civil society organizations in the governance and human rights sectors accelerated especially after 2000 in response to the increase in repression and electoral irregularities.
The significant donor support that Zimbabwe's civil society received during the 2000s is widely believed to have further contributed to a thriving civil society. During this period, Zimbabwean CSOs established a number of influential coalitions and networks that coordinated civil society efforts related to specific themes. Examples of such membership-based coalitions include the Zimbabwe Crisis Coalition (which focuses on democratization) and the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (a network of human rights organizations) and the Election Support Network in Zimbabwe (ZESN).
A combination of dwindling donor funding, economic crisis, state repression and a lack of civil society participation has severely weakened the state of civil society in Zimbabwe. However, the January 2020 crackdown illustrated the strength of some civil society organizations and the response mechanisms they have developed, a notable example being the support for human rights activists from the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR). With the emergence of the opposition movement, the post-2000 period in Zimbabwe resulted in a greater polarization of politics and society between ZANU-PF and the MDC.
One of the worst examples of state-sponsored violence was the aftermath of the first round of elections in 2008. Campaigns of violence by Zimbabwe's security forces instilled fear in Zimbabweans, which continues to affect their political participation. even to this day. The current ongoing stalemate between ZANU-PF and MDC-A is indicative of the ongoing polarized environment in Zimbabwe.
The need for a national dialogue has dominated discussions on Zimbabwe over the past two years, but ZANU-PF and MDC-A have not shared a platform for dialogue because they have been unable to agree on the parameters of such a process. Other, more inclusive dialogue initiatives, such as those offered by the churches, have not materialized due to the reluctance of key political actors to join. Since taking power in 2017, Mnangagwa has stepped up repressive policies against the opposition, especially in the past two years.
Governance Performance
These include crucial democratic reforms such as electoral law and ensuring the independence of Zimbabwe's Election Commission. For the period of the ZANU-PF led government introduced the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation (ZimAsset). Zimbabwe's 2021 budget focused on the strategic priorities for economic recovery and growth, taking into account the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.
A key feature of the ZANU-PF government during and after Mugabe's presidency has been political clashes and disagreements. When Ncube presented a 2020 budget that removed subsidies on maize post and rice, President Mnangagwa responded: "The meal price issues of flour are affecting a lot of people and we cannot remove the subsidies. In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the government introduced a stimulus package equivalent to 9% of GDP, which was not new money, but based on a reprioritization of the 2020 budget.
The few cases brought to justice provide insight into the extent of elite corruption. A recent study by the Zimbabwe Democracy Institute explained how the proceeds from the ZANU-PF/Securocrat-led Command Agriculture Program are a powerful means of funding and rewarding regime loyalists at the national and village level. The establishment of the Special Anti-Corruption Unit (SACU) in the Office of the President and Cabinet in 2020 is further evidence of the continued weakening of the role of constitutionally empowered bodies, in this case the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) and the ZACC .
The ongoing deadlock between the ZANU-PF and MDC-A is indicative of the polarized political environment in Zimbabwe. POLAD brought together most of the political parties that contested the 2018 elections except the MDC-A. Both the opposition and civil society have criticized the severe austerity measures of the past two years and their effects on social services and the majority of Zimbabweans.
The military is also believed to be heavily involved in the various cartels that control key sectors of the economy and are largely aligned with ZANU-PF actors. The ZANU-PF leadership has a sense of state ownership and a strong belief that only those with liberation credentials can take power. Since the 1990s, Zimbabwe has had a strong civil society movement that has been instrumental in establishing the political opposition movement, the constitutional process, addressing socio-economic issues and human rights violations.
Development planning was a key feature of the command economy that changed after the adoption of the ESAP program in the 1990s. However, due to the lack of reforms, Zimbabwe continued to be considered a high-risk country, limiting the government's access to external credit lines.
