Brazil - Politics and government - 1945-1954

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The Institutionalization of Archival Science in Brazil and the Administrative Reforms during Vargas’s First Government (1935-1945)

The Institutionalization of Archival Science in Brazil and the Administrative Reforms during Vargas’s First Government (1935-1945)

In distinct administrative structures, archives coexist with documenta- tion, publication of official documents, statistics, the elaboration of reports and other closely associated activities, such as the protocoling and control of pro- cesses and documents. The first phase of DASP’s activities, under the leader- ship of luiz Simões lopes, partly substantiates this claim, insofar as the attempt was made to establish the mainstays of a technical knowledge capable of guid- ing the themes of documentation, libraries and archives. An analysis of the format of the entrance exams and the archival content of the tests, for their part, reveals the changes that took place from the 1940s on. Yet these changes still seem to reflect the need to assimilate a broader, specialized literature in order to obtain more secure technical bases to guide the treatment of archives – or, in sum, bases more informed by archival science. The distance of the National Archives in relation to DASP’s modernizing project, motivated by centralizing ambitions on both sides, can help us understand how the low institutionality of archives persisted during the period.
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Brazil in the context of global governance politics and climate change, 1989-2003

Brazil in the context of global governance politics and climate change, 1989-2003

During his fast tenure as Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1992-93, Cardoso persuaded Franco government about the necessity of moving the Space Program from the military to civilian control in order to get highly needed technological exchange for the program development. Also following Cardoso initiative, Brazilian Senate ratified the Nuclear Free Latin American Zone Treaty (Tlatelolco) in 1994, significantly later than other Latin American countries. Immediately after starting his presidency, in 1995, Cardoso started a series of foreign policy movements that put Brazil in complete alignment with the West. In 1995, Cardoso completed his work in the missile area signing the Brazilian joining to the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). During the 1980’s and the early 1990’s the military had strongly opposed to the MTCR. Immediately after the signing of MTCR Brazil was invited to participate in the project for the construction of a multinational space station to be settled in orbit, and consequently Brazil became a member of the select Space Club. Finally, a last step toward Brazilian credibility improvement as a peaceful member of the world community happened in 1999, when Brazil overcame some American distrust and signed an agreement with USA, Italy and Ukraine, to launch commercial satellites from the Alcantara base, with strong competitive advantages because Alcantara is located almost in the Equator line. However, nationalist and leftist sectors entrenched in Congress have denied ratification of the agreement with the U.S. arguing that it was a damage to Brazilian sovereignty.
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Nematodas Anisakidae Skrjabin & Karokhin, 1945 e Raphidascarididae Hartwich, 1954 em Lutjanidae (Pisces: Perciformes) do litoral nordeste brasileiro

Nematodas Anisakidae Skrjabin & Karokhin, 1945 e Raphidascarididae Hartwich, 1954 em Lutjanidae (Pisces: Perciformes) do litoral nordeste brasileiro

Site of infection: viscera (intestinal mesentery). Location: Northeastern Coast, Aracaju, SE, Brazil. Material examined: 56 specimens of L3 larvae Description (Figure 1): 3rd stage larvae. Thin body (length: 20 ± 2) (Figure 1a). Cuticle with transverse striae, most noticeable in the anterior and posterior extremities, and also evident throughout the body. Anterior end with three slightly defined lips, one dorsal lip with a pair of labial papillae and two subventral lips, each with a single papilla, approximately of the same size (length: 0.06 ± 0.01), with the presence of a ventral cephalic tooth close to the oral aperture (Figure 1b). Thick cuticle; nerve ring located in the anterior region of the esophagus. Long esophagus (length: 1.5 ± 0.1), followed by a long ventriculus (length 0.5 ± 0.07) compressed agaisnt the intestine. Absence of ventricular appendix and intestinal cecum. Tail: conical, rounded and tapered with the rectum canal; mucron in the terminal region (Figure 1c).
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				“Developmentalist Brazil” (1945-1964) as a concept: historicizing and (re)periodizing development in Brazil

← Return to Article Details “Developmentalist Brazil” (1945-1964) as a concept: historicizing and (re)periodizing development in Brazil

On the other hand, Furtado started his public career in Brazil – first at SUDENE, and later on as Minister of Planning in 1963 – as a statesman intellec- tual that inversed the way Campos linked the realms of technical expertise and politics. The latter should not be constrained in order to let the specialists mould the economic strategy as Campos portrayed. For Furtado, technical expertise should translate and rationalize the ends posed by society into a coherent project. As a result, the new “modernizing elites of capital” entered the scene led by Campos and his fellow private consultants and professors trying to develop new alliances within the civil society aiming to displace the populist and nationalist views; having as its counterpart Furtado, the ideal type of the statesman intellec- tual, as he had no choice but to mix the roles of technician and political leader, but far from becoming a traditional politician. It was the death of the technicians in ends, up until then preserved from a clear engaging with the political world. These two new social positions were nurtured in a context of potitical instability and social distress, each one trying to present their own strategies for the country’s development.
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The Spoils of Victory: Campaign Donations and Government Contracts in Brazil

The Spoils of Victory: Campaign Donations and Government Contracts in Brazil

The relationship between corporate donations and policy outcomes in Brazil seems likely to be replicated in much of the developing world. The political economy features that incentivize firms to donate to politicians, such as weak interfirm coordination to pursue collective interests, are shared among other Latin American countries as well as Turkey, South Africa, and much of Southeast Asia (Schneider 2013). Economies in East Central Europe also have similar characteristics (N¨olke and Vliegenthart 2009). The multinational corporations that dominate these economies might be inclined toward ‘‘exit’’ rather than ‘‘voice’’ (McMenamin 2013), but domestic firms that compete with them should be likely to seek policy favors from legislators. In all of these regions, democracies are newer than in Europe and the United States, meaning that partisan identities should be more fluid and campaigns will tend to matter more for electoral outcomes (Greene 2011). Thus, candidates should be motivated to fund them. Outside of advanced democracies, limits on campaign financing tend to be weak, weakly enforced, or nonexistent, allowing corporate money to flow freely into politics (Austin and Tjernstr¨om 2003). Finally, the rule of law is generally weaker as well, facilitating practices like bid rigging for government contracts.
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BRAZIL IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE POLITICS AND CLIMATE CHANGE, 1989-2003

BRAZIL IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE POLITICS AND CLIMATE CHANGE, 1989-2003

During his fast tenure as Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1992-93, Cardoso persuaded Franco government about the necessity of moving the Space Program from the military to civilian control in order to get highly needed technological exchange for the program development. Also following Cardoso initiative, Brazilian Senate ratified the Nuclear Free Latin American Zone Treaty (Tlatelolco) in 1994, significantly later than other Latin American countries. Immediately after starting his presidency, in 1995, Cardoso started a series of foreign policy movements that put Brazil in complete alignment with the West. In 1995, Cardoso completed his work in the missile area signing the Brazilian joining to the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). During the 1980’s and the early 1990’s the military had strongly opposed to the MTCR. Immediately after the signing of MTCR Brazil was invited to participate in the project for the construction of a multinational space station to be settled in orbit, and consequently Brazil became a member of the select Space Club. Finally, a last step toward Brazilian credibility improvement as a peaceful member of the world community happened in 1999, when Brazil overcame some American distrust and signed an agreement with USA, Italy and Ukraine, to launch commercial satellites from the Alcantara base, with strong competitive advantages because Alcantara is located almost in the Equator line. However, nationalist and leftist sectors entrenched in Congress have denied ratification of the agreement with the U.S. arguing that it was a damage to Brazilian sovereignty.
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DOES POLITICS STILL MATTER? NEOLIBERALIZATION PROCESSES, PARTY GOVERNMENT AND NEW PATTERNS OF URBAN POLITICS IN BRAZILIAN LOCAL GOVERNMENTS

DOES POLITICS STILL MATTER? NEOLIBERALIZATION PROCESSES, PARTY GOVERNMENT AND NEW PATTERNS OF URBAN POLITICS IN BRAZILIAN LOCAL GOVERNMENTS

in which fees are payed off exclusively by the user, PPPs foresee either a contract model, whereby only the public sector pays for the service provided by the private actor or a mixed model, whereby both the public sector and the individual consumers pay for the service received. In the former model, called “administrative” PPP, the public sector is the main direct or indirect beneficiary of the service provided by private agents, as it happens for instance in the prison system. In the latter, called “sponsored” PPP, individual and final consumers are the direct beneficiaries. In both models, however, the Brazilian regulation demands two basic requirements for a PPP contract to be set: a) the object of the contract must have a value greater than $5 million dollars, b) the contract implies service provision for a period of time no less than 5 years and no more than 35 years. By means of these two provisions, the regulators seem to have designed PPP contracts to actions endowed with a status of high priority and demanding big investments. As for the number of ongoing PPPs in the country, there is not any official or reliable database with country-wide scope. Private consultancy agencies estimate 7 , however, that besides 1400 traditional concessions, there are nowadays 700 PPPs 8 being pushed forward at the sub-national level in Brazil. Still, it is worth stressing that according to those sources the number of both concessions and PPPs is increasing at a steady pace: municipalities and states launched 541 new projects in 2019.
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Politics of recognition, race and democracy in Brazil.

Politics of recognition, race and democracy in Brazil.

3. O estabelecimento de uma agenda nas Ciências Sociais sobre as relações raciais no Brasil foi impulsionada pelo Projeto UNESCO que, no pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945), escolheu o Brasil como laboratório para a compreensão das relações har- moniosas entre raças e etnias (Maio, 1999:144). Embora, em geral, esses estudos se- jam referidos como “ciclo dos estudos da UNESCO” (1953-1956), as pesquisas nesse período tiveram diferentes patrocinadores, instituições e contaram com a direção in- telectual de homens de diversas tendências teóricas (Guimarães, 1999:76). A maior parte dos trabalhos resultantes do Projeto UNESCO ressalta os elementos positivos da integração racial no Brasil. Florestan Fernandes foi um dos autores que melhor aprofundou na análise dos elementos de exclusão presentes na via hegemônica de in- tegração racial. Arthur Ramos não participou das pesquisas do Projeto UNESCO contudo foi seu idealizador tendo morrido oito meses antes de sua implementação no Brasil em 1950 (Maio, 1999:142). E, embora Donald Pierson não tenha participado diretamente do projeto UNESCO, ele participou das negociações em torno do proje- to e acompanhou a sua execução.
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Party politics in Portugal: municipalities and central government

Party politics in Portugal: municipalities and central government

A general characteristic of citizen’s groups in Portugal: they are usually created against the party system, their candidates are mostly party dissidents, due to discontent and also, in quite a few situations, due to expulsion from the party ranks. The same thing happens in the civil parishes, where 43 per cent of the individuals elected in citizens’ groups list were or had been members of a party, and most of them kept a relationship with a party. They were mostly associated with the Socialist Party and the Social Democrat Party (Martins, 2003: 18, 127-128). Just as some independents join party lists in order to avoid the trouble and the risk of creating a new independent list, the leaders of citizen’s groups create them when they know that they already have a support structure and a considerable percentage of sure voters. The same has occurred in the 2005 elections, when five candidates who had been mayors for many years and had been expelled from their parties, due to judicial cases associated with corruption, ran as independents and heads of citizen’s group. Four of them actually won, even though one had escaped to Brazil in order not to get arrested. The one that did not win made a bad bet, by switching municipalities.
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Open government data in Brazil a systematic review of its uses and issues

Open government data in Brazil a systematic review of its uses and issues

This study is part of a larger research project called "Agregando valor ao cidadão: triangulação e visualização de dados abertos gover- namentais como apoio à tomada de decisão numa gestão resiliente" 1 , which in a free-form translation means "Adding value to the citizen: Triangulation and visualization of open government data as a sup- port to decision-making in a resilient administration", that focuses on how to integrate and use open government data and visualiza- tion tools in order to help public officials on their decision-making processes and to anticipate events that might disrupt the day-to-day activities of their citizens. Although the scope of the larger research study is not limited to Brazil, the focus of this systematic review is, as all the researchers involved in the larger research project are located in Brazil and the end result of this study is more prone to cause an impact to society in a local scale.
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User’s perspective of eletronic government adoption in Brazil

User’s perspective of eletronic government adoption in Brazil

implementation is linked to the citizens’ desire (Evans & Yen, 2005; Shareef, Kumar, Kumar, & Dwivedi, 2009, 2011), with its accession depending on its acceptance, dissemination and success of propo- sitions and policies inherent to e-Gov. There are several studies in different countries studying the e-Gov adoption, as in Canada (Sha- reef et al., 2011), in the United States (Carter & Bélanger, 2005), in Netherlands (Horst, Kuttschreuter, & Gutteling, 2007), in Singapore (Fu, Farn, & Chao, 2006), In Romania (Colesca & Liliana, 2008), in Turkey (Ozkan & Kanat, 2011), among others. Those studies have shown different results; however, all the suggested models are based or adapted from current acceptance technology theories, such as the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) and Unified Theory of Ac- ceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT). The models differences indicate a generalization difficulty from one context to another, due to cultural differences and different stages of the e-Gov development in the countries. Therefore, studying and researching the users’ resis- tance and adhesion of e-Gov technologies in Brazil is an opportunity to collaborate on a model development for the country’s reality, and identifying its factors can enable its administration more effectively, increasing opportunities for positive results. Thus, the objective of this work was to study what factors influence the use of e-government in Brazil, focusing on investigating government computerization ini- tiatives of fiscal control mechanisms, through a study on the Nota Fiscal Paulista program.
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Analysis of Open Government Data initiatives in Brazil

Analysis of Open Government Data initiatives in Brazil

the possibility of economic growth, government efficiency and transparency, despite the lack of a strategy to prove the achievement of these objectives. The value of new services, products and jobs generated through Open Data was estimated between 3 to 200 billion euros for the EU. Initially as experiments to drive the use of Open Data, a digital platform was developed, and application contests were held. The result was the availability of 326 datasets for use and reuse, and 70 applications that showed how government data can be presented and used. In addition, these apps contribute to the economy by driving new business models, improving access to the city through transportation information, and promoting the city by providing information which generates public interest and promote tourism. From the perspective of internal efficiency, Open Data has been integrated into government, and contributes to innovations such as online services, cost reduction, and the prevention of fraud, waste and bad investment decisions. Finally, about transparency, the contribution was publicizing policies and government progress. One challenge encountered was citizen’s misinformation about these initiatives, with low app downloads and few visits to online resources. Nevertheless, it was observed that when people are aware of the availability of data, they become interested. An example of this was the result of 5% of citizens that visited the Stadstat (a website that showed progress on political actions in the city of Amsterdam), increasing to 43% after raising awareness about it.
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The industrial lobby in Congress: business leaders and politics in contemporary Brazil.

The industrial lobby in Congress: business leaders and politics in contemporary Brazil.

Essa situação extremamente positiva para o empresariado industrial se verifica, em grande medida, porque as duas tendências principais do processo legislativo brasileiro operam em favor [r]

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The judiciary and privatizations in Brazil: is there the judicialization of politics?.

The judiciary and privatizations in Brazil: is there the judicialization of politics?.

Uma vez que não estou admitindo judicialização da política apenas como um fenômeno resultante de um grande número de ações impetradas na justiça, sendo este aqui chamado de politização d[r]

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The 2008 financial crisis: government discourses and strategies and pension funds in Brazil.

The 2008 financial crisis: government discourses and strategies and pension funds in Brazil.

Dentre as estratégias visando a desenvolver o mercado interno, pode- mos citar as medidas que incluem a redução da taxa de juros básica pelo Banco Central, tais como: medidas para estimu[r]

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Elections and democracy in Brazil: Victor Nunes Leal and the 1945 transition.

Elections and democracy in Brazil: Victor Nunes Leal and the 1945 transition.

A despeito destas ressalvas e, sobretudo, em que pese o fato das carac- terísticas essenciais do eleitorado não terem se alterado, Nunes Leal nota, já no capítulo inicial da obra, que “as eleições de 1945 e 1947 apre- sentaram certas peculiaridades que lançaram perturbação na tradicio- nal alternativa eleitoral no Brasil: governo e oposição” (p. 37). Mais es- pecificamente, o autor nota que “circunstâncias excepcionais em nossa história política” (p. 236) distinguem as eleições de 1945 e 1947 de to- das as demais já ocorridas no Brasil. Quanto às de 1945, seu caráter ex- cepcional decorreu da neutralidade do governo José Linhares, já que “o Chefe de Estado e os interventores, via de regra, recomendaram aos seus subordinados isenção de ânimo na direção da eleição federal” (p. 237). Do ponto de vista prático, Linhares não apenas afastou os inter- ventores, trocando-os por membros do Poder Judiciário, como deter- minou também que os prefeitos vinculados a partidos políticos fossem igualmente substituídos por membros do judiciário. O excepcional da situação, portanto, é o fato de os governantes não terem procurado in- fluir no resultado eleitoral.
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Public Communication Politics and Policymaking

Public Communication Politics and Policymaking

This raises the question of how traditional public communication policies are being transformed and which rationale they are following. Should the same regulatory model be applied to the new media? Many voices point out that traditional communication policies are not needed because there is no longer spectrum scarcity – formerly used to justify those policies – and that in fact the greater offer would render public media unnecessary to guarantee diversity (GOLDBERG et al, 1998, p.16). The globalization of capitalism (CHAKRAVARTTY; SARIKAKIS, 2006) or the rise of neoliberalism (MCCHESNEY, 1999) have been identified by the most relevant actors as drivers of the contemporary changes in public communication policies (FREEDMAN, 2008). In such a highly deregulatory context, the concept of the role of public communication policies in some Latin American countries is changing. The objective is, therefore, to design methodological tools for a systematic policy study of general audiovisual legislation at national level in order to identify the rationale behind each case and debate on its coherence and its implementation. The intention is to contribute to improving the design of general audiovisual legislation elaborated by Nation States.
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About education, politics and singularity.

About education, politics and singularity.

Inclusive ambition collides, we see, with the extreme complexity of human relationships and their contradic- tions. Arthur Schopenhauer compared men to porcupines in a celebrated parable to which Freud echoed. In winter, these rodent mammals oscillate between two torments; too distant from each other, they suffer from the cold; too close, they take advantage of the reciprocal heat, but they wound each other with their long thorns. It is either the pricks, or the cold. In the same way, men find it difficult to find a satisfactory relational distance, which preserves them from a cold solitude in which they risk to freeze, and at the same time from a closeness that threatens to suf- focate them. If their gregarious tendency and their need for social life lead them toward each other, their difficul- ties in living together, as close and similar, separate them. Between enclosing inclusion and exiling exclusion, as fu- nambulist, they walk on a wire (Gardou, 2018, p. 83-84). Psychoanalysis thus helps us to bet on our yearning and struggle for a more just and egalitarian society, recognizing how challenging this dispute is for us, considering that our human condition seems to carry within itself something of a segregating dimension that directs our most intimate affections to those we consider similar, pushing away those who are not considered similar. In this sense, how not to question segregation? This would mean jeopardizing the very survival of the hu- man species, as Freud (2014) warns when congratulating the writer Ro- main Rolland (1866-1944) on the occasion of his 60 th birthday. Rolland was known for cultivating an oceanic feeling toward humanity. In the words addressed to the writer, Freud expresses his view that the search for humanitarian love entails the threat of old instinctual dispositions that would ultimately imply the destruction of the human species:
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Health Care and Government Policy

Health Care and Government Policy

while at the same time advances in science and technology are finding cures for diseases that were fatal only a short time ago. Meanwhile, governments are facing increasing financial constraints and making cuts to health system funding. Consequently there is a need for collaborative, adaptive policies resulting from the application of ‘collaborative intelligence’. These approaches should be centred not on sickness and disease but on people, personal trajectories and health literacy; new organisational and governance strategies are needed that are decentralised, transparent and socially responsible and based on participation, collaboration and information sharing. In short, they should be the opposite of current systems, which are tied to the ambitions and socioeconomic dynamics of post-Second World War Europe and the West, which are so stubbornly resistant to change.
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E-Government Success in Malaysia Through Government Portal and Website Assessment

E-Government Success in Malaysia Through Government Portal and Website Assessment

The portals and websites accessed were derived from the list on Government Machinery of myGovernment (myGov) that is on the www.malaysia.gov.my which is a gateway to other links of the Government websites. There were over 1,000 plus Government portals and websites listed. To ensure integrity, an independent body, MDeC was appointed to access these portals and websites. Criteria were deliberated on best practices or used by the International bodies and also to follow-suit the National guidelines set by the central agency, MAMPU (Malaysian Administrative Modernisation and Management Planning Unit). These guidelines are published on the gateway mentioned [4].
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