The present paper represents the earlier stage of a Master Degree Project Work which has the purpose of making a comparative analysis of local development processes at a metropolitan scale. The central theme of this work is that of the “city-regions” understood as those metropolitanareas with more then a million inhabitants, whose administrative and institutional limits do not always match with their political and economic identity and are inserted in global processes of socioeconomic transformation, «(…) the administrative borders of the traditional centers (cities, communes, and sometimes even regions) have often become obsolete in the course of the current urban dynamics, the analytical and actual definition of the entity that serves as the basis for the territorial support of such competition becomes crucial. At the same time the definition of this entity is also crucial for the identification of actors and actions in the democratic process.» 
Technological Capacity and Catching Up: the case of the Brazilian emerging metropolitanareas. Since the 1970’s the loss of industrial output share of Sao Paulo M etropolitan Area relative to Brazil’s industrial output has been explained by a process of “ reversal polarization” . This article aims to analyze the catching up effect of variables of productive efficiency, such as technological capacity and labor force skill. The main point is to analyze if the behavior of these variables favored or reduced desagglomeration of Sao Paulo city and the resulting agglomeration effect on Brazilian emerging metropolitanareas. Utilizing the H ousehold Sample Survey (PN AD) of the Brazilian Geography and Statistics Institute (IBGE) we will test if there has been technological catching up between São Paulo (defined as the frontier) and second-tier metropolis of southern Brazil (Belo H orizonte, Curitiba and Porto Alegre). A set of panel data tests the importance of the variables referred to on spatial distribution of Brazilian industry.
Manufacturing in metropolitanareas has been drastically transformed. This case study of São Paulo, Brazil contributes new insights to debates about urban economies by shedding light on micro-urban manufacturing – an activity that, despite its pervasiveness, is usually left out of planning theory and discourses. First, I broadly frame this debate by retracing the relationship between economic activity and urban development in the historical making o f S ã o P a u l o . S e c o n d , I a n a l y z e m i c r o - manufacturing as a segment within the broader contex t of manufac turing, highlighting its relevance, ubiquit y, and resilience. Next, I examine micro-manufacturing activities by themselves and point out at their heterogeneity. Finally, I describe the emergence of two unique geographies of micro-urban manufacturing in the city.
The results herein obtained by the combination of all the methods indicate the existence of three main clusters (A; B; C) of MRSA in these two metropolitanareas (Figures 1 and 2). Cluster A comprised 29.5% (n=45) of the strains, and contained the representative BEC strain (BEC9393) and strain HC562, which were previously studied  and also contained four strains isolated in the metropolitan Ribeirão Preto. The second cluster (B) comprised most of the strains (57.6%; n=90), and with the exception of only one (1RP), it contained only strains isolated in Campinas city metropolitan area. The third cluster
More importantly that the single strong construction pressures is the fact that Amadora inherited a territory marked by precarious neighbourhoods in terms of housing, which had their origin during the 1960’s and were progressively enlarged and made more dense in the following decades. Considering the lack of an integrative local housing policy capable of resolving the lodging offer deficit and its high prices, many of the immigrants arriving to this area in high fluxes (especially preceding from Portugal’s rural areas in the 1960’s and from the former African colonies, in the post-colonial period – 1970’s and 1980’s) started to resolve by themselves their housing problems by occupying and constructing illegally large “bairros de barracas” (slum neighbourhoods) in public and private un-urbanized lands. The result of this is the fact that, in 1993 Amadora registered almost 5 thousand slums (inhabited independent constructions made of old and re-used materials without a determined plan), the second highest value in LMA (just after Lisbon), which were located in 35 different critical neighbourhoods with over 20 thousand inhabitants, around 12% of the municipality’s total population (CMA, 2007).
The overlapping of spatial clusters within the set of contextual factors showed different spatial patterns of the potential risk from socio-spatial contextual patterns, whether comparing the two metropolitanareas or each contextual indicator. About 31.3% of the population lives in areas of high potential risk resulting from socio-spatial contextual factors, and 8.8% in the areas of low potential risk resulting from socio-spatial con- textual factors (Table 3). The Porto Metropolitan Area showed higher population figures living in spatial clusters with high potential risk resulting from socio-spatial contextual factors for all indi- cators (43.6%); in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area this figure drops to half (23,8%). In spatial terms, the two metropolitanareas have a similar pattern in terms of potential risk resulting from socio- spatial contextual factors (Figure 1). Note that: (i) the civil parishes of the cities of Porto and Lis- bon have high potential risk resulting from socio- spatial contextual factors; (ii) those located in the North and the South of Lisbon Metropolitan Area, and in the South and Northeast of the Porto Metropolitan Area have low potential risk result- ing from socio-spatial contextual factors; (iii) in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area there are munici- palities that show spatial heterogeneity for pre-
auto-parts). While this is still the main type of manufacturing in the sPmA, its relevance in terms of employment is far from what it used to be. It is also interest- ing to note that sPmA, during the period analyzed, has never been a leader in high-tech industries, a factor that is different from other large metropolitanareas in developing and developed countries with a concentration of high-tech industries. When we examined the sPmA, we noticed that a trend of job reduction in manufacturing, which was happening everywhere in the country, was occurring with much greater intensity in this originally manufacturing-centric city. As a result, the sPmA is no longer a manufacturing mecca. When considering the microregions within the metropolitan area, however, we noticed that while the process of de- manufacturing is indeed taking place in most cities, it is still far from a complete vocational change. the AbcD, for instance, has retained one-third of its formal jobs in manufacturing. In any case, it is clear that large cities are no longer the loca- tion of choice, as they were in the 1970s, for manufacturing.
To that end, we conducted a descriptive study in which we evaluated the SINAN database information for the Brazilian capitals of Belém, Rio de Janeiro, Cuiabá, Salvador, and Porto Alegre for the 2001-2010 period; applying the selection criterion of investigating the greater metropolitanareas of the capitals where the incidence of tuberculosis was highest in 2010. (3)
set of coping strategies. The response to the epidemic in high-density populations, such as those in metropolitanareas, challenges the responsiveness of municipal spheres and some- times demands better links with all levels of government and nongovernmental agencies, as already happens in some states. As we strive to eradicate the AIDS epidemic worldwide it is urgent to strengthen local responses within each community and establish a broad dia- logue and mobilization of the entire society.
The aim of this study was to evaluate the completeness of tuberculosis reporting forms in the greater metropolitanareas of five Brazilian capitals where the incidence of tuberculosis was high in 2010—Salvador, Rio de Janeiro, Cuiabá, Porto Alegre, and Belém—using tabulations obtained from the Sistema Nacional de Informação de Agravos de Notificação (National Case Registry Database). The degree of completeness was highest in Porto Alegre and Cuiabá, whereas it was lowest in Rio de Janeiro, where there are more reported cases of tuberculosis than in any other Brazilian capital. A low degree of completeness of these forms can affect the quality of the Brazilian National Tuberculosis Control Program, which will have negative consequences for health care and decision-making processes.
The empirical analysis in this study conﬁrms and shows signiﬁcant differences between regions. Some regions have a higher expected unemployment duration, as the metropolitanareas of Salvador and Rio de Janeiro, where the expected completed durations of unemployment are equal to approximately eleven months, while for the metropolitan region of Belo Horizonte this term is near four months. In the metropolitan area of Recife, employed workers have a low transition rate to jobs that pay higher wages, while regions such as São Paulo and Porto Alegre have a relatively high mobility. Despite these results, our methodology shows its strength when we are able to rationalize some well-known regional differences in Brazilian labor markets by means of deep structural parameters. Clearly, the role of la- bor market frictions, internal labor market dynamics and market organization (monopsony level) add important insights into the debate.
Brazil is among the 22 countries which concentrate 80% of the world’s estimated cases. In 2002, 97,875 cases were reported in Brazil, of which 81,034 were new. The highest incidence rate has been in the State of Rio de Janeiro, but in all States of the country there are municipalities (counties), especially in metropolitanareas and peripheral areas of large cities, in which tuberculosis displays extremely high rates. The male-to-female ratio is two to one. Certain population groups such as indigenous peoples, prison inmates, and homeless have much higher incidence rates than the general population.
This study is a comparative analysis of changes in levels of employment and income in the metropolitanareas of labor markets (RMs) of Northeast and Southeast. The populations of workers were discriminated between migrants and non-migrants, residents in the cores and peripheries of metropolitanareas of Fortaleza and Recife compared with residents of metropolitan regions of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro between 2000 and 2010, according to the level of income and the condition of poverty or extreme poverty. The results indicate improvement of the remuneration of migrant and non-migrant workers, despite the acceleration of the urbanization of the last decades, there is evidence of higher occupational integration of the two po- pulation groups, with the supremacy of migrants on the non-migrants in terms of median income of work according to census data. The perspective that occupation and income expansion might bring beneits to the metropolitan outskirts residence standards should not be neglected in further analysis, which may explore other dwelling features, particularly if an income gain steadiness sustained by growing economic scenarios should be observed along the current decade.
I use matched and unmatched PME data to study the determinants of male’s retirement over the past two decades. The PME is a very rich source of data, although not very used. The matched data consists of a series of short panel data constructed by matching individual records across adjacent years of the PME. Some patterns I find are not surprising. For example, probability of being retired increases monotonically with age, and the strong dependence of labor transition on other individual characteristics such as education. Some other patterns are more interesting and surprising. The labor force participation rates of older workers in the main metropolitanareas are lower than what is observed in the rest of the country. The main explanation is that workers in the main metropolitanareas had earlier enrollment into the system and they also have better access to early
We arrived at this overall conclusion using a variety of techniques and two basic sources of microdata, PNAD and PME. Section 2.1 the main changes of macroeconomic policiesduring the last two decades. Section 2.2 compared the performance of the 1996-99 period with the 1990-93 and the 1993-96 period at a national level. The following three sections detailed the social performance during the latter period by six different city sizes (rural areas, small cities, mid-sized cities, large cities and metropolitanareas divided into core and suburbs). Section 3 compared the evolution of standard social indicators (such as unemployment rates, labor income, informality, income from all sources and poverty). Section 4 showed consistency between the behavioral consequences of the crisis by city size and other social indicators performance. For instance, we observed an increase in violence levels and an improvement of the political opposition performance in the last municipal elections in larger cities.
less, underreporting of deaths and missing information on deﬁ ned cause of death are still seen for children under one and elderly, poor and rural populations es- pecially in the northern and northeastern regions.*** These may have introduced information bias in trend analyses of mortality rates and increased rates found in the analysis period may have been overestimated or decreased rates may have been underestimated over the years. However, proportional mortality tends to be less affected by this bias. Moreover, though typically described as poor population disease, TB deaths occur predominantly among adults in capitals and other cities of metropolitanareas. It is thus unlikely that recent changes in coverage and proportion of deaths due to ill-deﬁ ned cause in SIM have affected or will affect total TB deaths. The relative constant proportion of TB deaths compared to total overall deaths and deaths due to infectious diseases from 2002 to 2004 suggest an adequate or at least ongoing coverage of TB deaths during the period studied.
As a result of out research, by analyzing Romanian microregional associations, as compared to the situation from other European countries, our conclusions support the extension of such practices (employing inter-communal associations as an approach to foster sustainable rural development) and their functional combination with metropolitanareas. Yet, the territorial development and territorial planning must be first sustained by a clarification of the concepts and of the praxis at a microregional level and also by a proper legal framework.
Indirectly, the worsening of the economic situation in an area could increase its vulnerability, because the latter also involves a lessening of the area’s ability to deal with potential hazards, and given the fact that this ability is, to a large extent, connected to factors of socio-economic development which are being undermined. For example, the per capita GDP of a country is considered to be one such factor, because it reflects the ability of a region to face a catastrophe and, therefore, a decrease or increase in its vulnerability (Schmidt-Thomé, 2006). The economic crisis not only intensifies the vulnerability of a city or a region, but it can also be a direct cause of it. The crisis influences both public and private spaces such as new residential areas, whose development depends to a large extent on the financial sector. One of the clearest examples of this was the collapse of the real estate market which was accompanied by the phenomenon of massive scale foreclosures covering huge areas of cities and metropolitanareas in the USA, and which led to the development of strategies for building resilient cities and regions (Swanstrom et al., 2009). Actually, the utility of methods used to deal with vulnerability caused by natural hazards such as earthquakes, floods and so on, can be taken into consideration when dealing with the risks resulting from the economic crisis (Cohen,
Waitt and Gibson (2009) have presented a good example of this adoption of normative creative models based on experiences of metropolitanareas in small cities: Wollongong, in Australia. Wollongong is a city with 280,000 inhabitants located 80 km south of Sidney and with a well-known reputation for metal manufacturing, especially steel. In a process of de-industrialization and regeneration, it was one of the first Australian cities to embrace a creative city agenda and the ambition to become a ‘city of the arts’, a ‘city of innovation’ and a ‘city of diversity’. However, the city has struggled to achieve sustained success with the adoption of a creative-based strategy centred on metropolitan ideas and unsuitable to its context and specificities. In fact, the authorities failed to attract creative people and businesses to the inner city because in the national imaginary, Wollongong remained associated to a steel city, with prevailing class legacies associated with working-class masculinity, with scepticism towards culture, arts and creativity. Moreover, its proximity to Sidney, that could be considered an opportunity, worked as a