Historically, state action has been a determining factor in income generation and distribution policies in Europe, the United States, and Brazil. In the latter, there was a sharp decline in income inequality between 2000 and 2010. This drop was the result of several factors, including the reduction of unemployment, the inflationary control that impacted the Minimum Wage, and the expansion of Direct Income Transfer Programs, such as Rural Retirement, the Continuous Monthly Benefit, and the Bolsa Família Program. The effect of these income transfer policies was combined with the expansion ofpublicemployment, at the Municipal, State and Federal levels. The expansion ofpublicemployment was due to the expansion of state actions in a movement known as the municipalization of education and health. This article uses the mapping ofpublicemploymentand Direct Income Transfers on the municipal scale to discuss this context, recognizing that publicincome reduces income inequality in a country whose social indicators show unemployment and poverty. This discussion is not restricted to the Brazilian political scenario. As indicated by Dardot & Laval (2014) and Streeck (2018), it also occurs in the European context. It is not merely a set of circumstances; instead, it is one of the facets of a global project that has tragic consequences in economies with a high degree of reliance on the financial system. This dependence forces states to shrink social policies in health, education and, fundamentally, social assistance.
Recent experience, as the literature reviewed above demonstrates, the distribution ofincome if not tackled can lead to crises, as the case was with the international finan- cial crisis of 2007/2008 and real crisis of 2009, and the “great depression” of the late 1920s. Distribution ofincome from wages to profits, especially to the top end and to the financial sector in particular, was one of the main causes of the international fi- nancial crisis of 2007/2008 and the “great recession” that followed (Arestis and Ka- rakitsos 2013; Arestis forthcoming). Distributional effects should be a major objec- tive of economic policy. As we have argued in Arestis and Malcolm Sawyer (2011) it is very important to account for “distributional effects” in both economic theory and policy, which have been fatally ignored. This is an important finding in view of the fact that “until the crisis, it is difficult to identify a period in the past 50 years when inequality was close to the top of the public policy or academic agenda” (Stiglitz 2013, 2015; Andrew G. Haldane 2014). In terms of the relevant empirical evidence, John S. L. McCombie and Marta R. M. Spreafico (2015, p. 20) summarise it to con- clude that “the evidence now strongly suggests that greater inequality is harmful for growth. This suggests that there is a case for government intervention”. John M. Keynes (1936) argued that the two outstanding faults of economic policy were the failure to secure full employmentand to tackle the arbitrary and inequitable distribu- tion ofincome. Reducing inequality enhances growth and with appropriate economic policies, as suggested below, full employment could be achieved.
establishments do not exceed five hectares, what hampers sustainable management of rural properties. Moreover, the other half of the producers, whose production is for consumption, is little or completely not integrated. According to Silva and Corrêa (2005), these less integrated farmers were ‘eliminated from the process of modernization and had no access to credit system’, or in other words, the relationship they had in the past with their local markets or at temporarily offered work decreased significantly because of low investment in production. This exclusion occurred as a function of mechanization of production and increased market demand for supply of more uniform products. The lack ofpublicpolicies targeting this marginalised group of farmers increased their exclusion from the economic system. The social and economic omission faced by many farmers has led them to search for non-agrarian sources ofincome. An increasing number of people living in rural areas dedicate their work to other activities classified as non-agricultural or rural non-agricultural (ORNA - ocupações rurais não-agrícolas), such as hodman, caretakers, drivers, maids etc. Still, it is of fundamental importance to discuss how to improve the situation of thousands of farmers on a sustainable basis, not only with short-term emergency measures, but with publicpolicies that facilitate the integration of these producers in a way which is socially fair and economically viable. Thus, policies that allow the maintenance and creation of jobs are needed. They ought to promote new economic activities, pluriactivity in family agriculture, stability of family income, preservation of the environment, active participation of people in decision-making processes in their economic areas and new forms ofpublic management etc. (BROSE, 1999. SACHS, 2004; VEIGA, 2005, SEN, 1999). According to the authors, the concept of development goes beyond economic growth; it includes other factors such as access to: formal education, opportunities for training, professional specialization, a less degraded environment and others.
Based on the analysis of the statements, it is possible to note that the Context source, namely: work conditions, work environment, autonomy and task identity, shows the greatest accessibility in the perception of the meaning of work. However, the results refer to a difficult work context, similar to that pointed out by Vasques-Menezes and Soratto (2010b), when they analyzed SINE’s civil servants, with lack of control over work, unsatisfactory results of work and psychical suffering. These difficulties may have negative implications for the meaning of work, since there is a paradoxical process in which, at the same time as work provokes pleasure and fulfillment, it also causes pain and suffering (Mendes, 2008). These contradictions are perceived when they state that, however, their dissatisfaction, they still have the motivation to keep working. This antagonistic process can be understood as a coping strategy, needed to maintain the psychical balance that allows these public agents to keep working, seeking positive facts in order to continue with their tasks, perhaps because of their good incomeand the stability that is given to career civil servants.
Estados Unidos da América (EUA): em 25 de dezembro de 2007 o National Institutes of Health (NIH) requereu que todos os pesquisadores por ele financiados submetessem ao repositório National Library of Medicine´s PubMed Central uma versão eletrônica dos seus manuscritos finais, revisados por pares, para que fossem avaliados para publicação. Em 14 de fevereiro de 2013 foi submetido simultaneamente ao Congresso dos Estados Unidos da América e ao Senado o Fair Access to Science and Technology Research Act of 2013 (FASTR) para instruir as agências Federais no desenvolvimento das políticas de acesso público relativas a pesquisas conduzidas por funcionários ou com fundos administrados pelo governo. Em 23 de fevereiro de 2013 o US National Science Foundation (NSF) publica sua diretiva seguindo as recomendações do FASTR e em 18 de janeiro de 2014 é aprovado o United States Congress Consolidated Appropriations Act com uma seção baseada no FASTR.
biomass began to be less used worldwide due to the growth in the continued use of non- renewable energy sources such as petroleum, coal and natural gas. One again, this situation has undergone changes, since most countries, motivated by the harmful effects of these sources and the energy dependency, are looking for renewable alternatives in the constitution of their energetic matrices . One of the main impacts generated by this source is in the process of converting biomass into energy, which can release particulate emissions that are harmful to the environment and society. However, combined with energetic and technological efficiency, it represents a source of energy with low environmental impact and if explored in a rational way, its effect can be practically nullified, when biomass grows again in the productive system..
The low sensitivity of Brazilians towards material living conditions andincome is shown by the fact that the Northeast region, although the poorest in the country, shows the highest level of current happiness. A good deal of the relation between incomeand happiness in Brazil is explained by the transition of those with no income at all to the lowest income range studied, indicating a great potential for publicpolicies focused on the poorest. In fact, the relation controlled by several socioeconomic factors between implicit income variation in the expansion of the Bolsa Família and the variation of happiness of the same person over time shows positive results when compared to other transitions, less targeted on the poorest. Data indicates that the beneficiaries of the program earn an additional 0.41 point of happiness in relation to non-beneficiaries. This result indicates that redistributive policies, of which the Bolsa Familia is the greatest Brazilian example, can lead, in aggregate terms, to greater overall happiness of the nation.
This article aims to discuss the production of an expertise between psychology and security, specially regarding ways of observing and intervening towards the young subject considered dangerous. Based on Michel Foucault’s studies, this analysis focuses on the relation between those fields of knowledge questioning the observance strategies engendered by psychological practices within public security policies. In these terms, the article brings quotidian scenes based on ethnographical experiences from within a project entitled ‘Imprisoned Youth Observatory’ located inside the Central Prison of Porto Alegre (Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil) that make it possible to question the way psychological knowledge produces young people in conflict with the law. Through this analysis, it is possible not only to visualize how psychology privatizes a domain over the incarcerated young offender, but also how this science creates dead-end destinies to this youth who are considered a ‘social problem’.
Abstract: The article presents the Timeline of Education and Health PublicPolicies Regarding Schooling Problems. It is a virtual tool that gives access to the legislation on education and health publicpolicies regarding schooling problems – in a federal, state and municipal level – and also the academic work that analyzes those policies. It informs both governors in charge when each policy was implemented, as well as its ministers/secretaries of education and health, and the respective political parties. The present text describes the format and how the timeline works, then it discusses three significant themes: a) the relationship between legislation and practice in the areas of education and health; b) the political and ideological dimensions in the legislation; c) the potentialities and virtues of the contiguous providing of legislation in time/space and in relation to academic production. It evaluates that the tool can and should be expanded, helping to overcome ignorance and isolation in relation to the publicpolicies practiced in the different regions and municipalities of the country. It emphasizes its democratic character open to the participation of users to broaden and refine the information that it contains.
Some authors have addressed the impact of changes in the university IPR regulations in Europe in patenting. Czarnitzki and colleagues (2016) analysed the effects of the Knowledge Creates Markets policy introduced in Germany in 2001, which “not only set up new infrastructure and subsidies to support technology transfer, but more fundamentally, it shifted the ownership rights of university-discovered inventions from individual researchers to the university.”. The data presented by the authors showed that did not significantly increased the formation of new university start-ups. A shift from firm-owned patents to university-owned patents was observed but with a negative balance. According to the authors “By displacing so many faculty-firm relationships, our evidence suggests the Knowledge Creates Markets reform likely decreased overall university technology transfer…”. Cultural and institutional contexts, namely the efficiency of TTOs, are pointed out as determinants in academic technology transfer. Baldini and colleagues (2015) reported and interesting finding – in the context of new innovation measures (IPR regulations and support mechanisms) some Italian universities granted with increased autonomy faced difficulties in managing IPR, waiting for the actions of the most prestigious institutions. Geuna and colleagues (2011) carried out a study to shed the light on the effects of the new IPR regulations in university patenting and in technology transfer in several European countries. Data showed that the number of university-owned patents significantly increase in 2000’s, likely due to creation and training of TTOs. Although the authors discussed that more time is still required to evaluate the impact of the changes in IPR regulations, the benefits of university patent ownership to the economy still needs to be confirmed. Overall, the literature has been finding that the innovation measures is promoting university patenting but seems to fail at supporting technology transfer and commercialization.
The first set of variables control for socio-economic conditions. The vector of initial conditions, Χ , includes the log of the population in 1991 (linear and squared) to control for district population size (POP_91). To control for the level of human capital, we include the log of the mean educational level of adults 25 years or older in the regressions (ANOS_ESTUDO_91). To control for the level of social inclusion, we include a measure of the percentage of households earnings incomes less than R$ 75.50 per capita (POBREZA_91) as calculated by UNDP. In relative terms, R$ 75.50 was equivalent to earning half the level of a minimum wage salary in August 2000. As we suspect that spatially specific characteristics such as access to markets, we include a second set of variables seeks to capture geographic conditions. We include the log area of the AMC to control for district size (AREA_91). In addition, a dummy variable to capture costal district status (COSTEIRA) and measures of the distances to São Paulo (DIST_SP_100) and the state capital (DIST_CAP_100) were included to capture transport costs and market access. Dummies for each of Brazil’s 25 states were included in the specifications with São Paulo dropped from the sample.
These results are important because they note substantial differences across the Portuguese PES. Some employment-centres (first group) do not increase efficiency in the presence of any variables, while others do so only with some variables present, such as a healthy labour market (second group), an open social environment (third group), a sensitive environment to the problems of youth and the unemployed (fourth group), or a combination of the three environmental factors considered one or two at a time (eighth, fifth, sixth and seventh group). In particular, we observe that the addition of the environmental variables highlights the employment-centres that were apparently inefficient. Hence, in these employment-centres, environmental variables are very important in determining their efficiency, but with a different weight for each unit evaluated. In terms of policy, this highlights the need for targeted and different interventions depending on the context. An efficient matching process will require investments in the following:
The central objective of this article is to present reflections about three specific publicpolicies regarding Education in rural areas in Brazil: the National Education Program in Agrarian Reform Areas (Pronera), integrated into the Ministry of Agrarian Development; the Higher Education Support Program for a Graduation Course in Rural Education (Procampo) and the National Program of Rural Education (Pronacampo), all linked to the Ministry of Education. Arising from the mobilization of social movements and organizations, these policies show that the struggle for agrarian reform transcends the struggle for land, since it includes the occupation of many other spaces. Within this work, we carried out a simple approach of the context that resulted in the Rural Education, indicating the main aspects of the studied programs. We developed a bibliographical and documentary research, using among the sources of research, legislation, regulations and decrees, as well as some references recently produced in the field of education in Brazil. We conclude that the collective production of knowledge in association with students, educators, communities and social movements of struggle for land, can dialogue with stories, memories, identities, desires, values and recognition, strengthening the debate on rural education in its close relationship with the social movements, rural schools andpublic universities. We realized that this articulation is one of the main challenges to be faced by the Movement on rural education and in the results consolidation of Pronera, Procampo and Pronacampo.
One of the first measures taken by the Temer administration in agrarian and rural areas was the extinction of the Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário (MDA, Ministry of Agrarian Development), which added to the threat of approving Bill 6,299/2002, which flexibilizes the legislation on pesticides . Also noteworthy is the approval of the new fiscal regime established by Constitutional Amendment No.95, which establishes that the actual values of health and education government expenditure floors are frozen for two decades . resources from the PBF and the Estratégia Saúde da Família (ESF, Family Health Strategy), continued austerity and the accompanying reductions in coverage of both programs will lead to an 8.6% increase in child mortality by 2030 . If policies were maintained in the previous parameters, under-5 mortality rates for diarrheal diseases and malnutrition would be 39.3% and 35.8% lower in 2030 .
The segregating economic policy and the inexistence or inefficiency of housing policies are aspects that deepen the social inequalities between the population in different income segments. Uruguay, through the so-called “Ley de Vivienda” (Housing Law), sought to solve the housing debasement by promoting the right to housing and regulating the insertion of cooperatives in access to publicpolicies. The law allows property to be treated as a right, not just as property, and allows cooperatives to act in the planning, execution and administration of housing projects, a principle understood as self-management. In Brazil, the first programs that met the housing demand were fragmented, serving a small portion of the applicants. With the advent of the National Housing Bank (BNH), access to credit for housing was increased. Housing cooperatives were included in this program, including the provision of the middle income market. With the end of the BNH and the dissatisfaction due to the economic crisis, social movements emerged around the issue of urban housing, seeking practical and political articulations to transform the right to housing into law. At the end of the 1980s, the exchange of experiences with Uruguay began to approach the entry of cooperatives into housing of social interest; an aspect previously untested in Brazil. Using the historical-descriptive method, this study results from an analysis of normative and academic production on the subject. It seeks to understand the participation of cooperatives in popular housing and their difficulties in accessing public housing policies.
The vision established during the two-day workshop bear certain re- semblance to those ideas that are present in the alternative economic lit- erature described in the section on the radical change paradigm. Com- mon ground is that the current deinition of work and the employmentpolicies that rely on the notion of full employment are outdated. This crosstalk between the literature and the solutions identiied by the par- ticipants may be due to a number of reasons. One can be that the reasons behind the economic, environmental, and social crises are perceived sim- ilarly and as soon as people are given the opportunity – like in the back- casting workshop – to distance themselves from the complexity of current problems, break-out strategies start to bear resemblances. It is also possi- ble that mainstream paradigms are already so challenged that alternatives that are currently labelled alternative no longer seem unattainable. This seems to be underpinned by the fact that the foundations of many ele- ments in the vision had already been laid. The social economy currently also presents an alternative to those crowded out of the labour market; a number of non-monetised local exchange and trading networks exist; and the legal base for a number of atypical employment forms had been developed. One of the main obstacles of the lourishing of these solutions is that the economic and political system still holds on to certain presup- positions. The rejection or, at least, the questioning of these assumptions could pave the way for a wider use of already existing patterns that en- able a better harmonisation of ecological andemployment interests and visions.
The first model estimated considers the pooled data for all years and all countries. This model gives a proxy of the covariates medium effects. The estimation results included in table 5A show that there was no significant change in the model structure during the period observed, as the dummy variables associated to time are not statistically significant. According to coefficients and marginal effects estimates, child poverty probability odds are most strongly influenced by variables such as: parent’s profession category and family composition. Globally speaking children with full time employee parents are the less vulnerable to poverty. In this context it should be noted that children with unemployed parents are the most exposed to poverty. Concerning family composition the results obtain, in line with the descriptive analysis, found children in single parents families and families with two adults and three or more children as the most probably poor. Finally, one important finding should be underline, regarding country covariates: Spanish, Italian and Poland children have a smaller probability of being poor than Portuguese children. This is particularly true for Spain and than for Italy, and less significant for Poland.
Such changes will certainly have important environmental consequences in the near future. However, according to the Sinos Committee data for 2000, about 70% of the population in the basin area had only local and precarious drainage solutions, whereas 25% of the households did not have any type of wastewater disposal system. Even if these numbers are better now, they might still be impressive. A significant amount of household wastewaters may still flow directly into the river or its affluents. In face of this condition and considering the expected population growth until at least 2020, it is reasonable to question whether the sewage system and treatment network, although expanded, will be enough. Unless cities promote and control other solutions to make up for the historic deficit in this area, the expected environmental impact of the latest governmental measures is below what is necessary to reverse the pollution caused by household wastewaters (Brasil, 2012b).
Given the considered scenarios, several positions where assumed by different Member States regarding the Post 2020 cohesion policy discussion, but two main opposite positions have emerged. The “Visegrad Group+4” (Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania and Slovenia), defends the maintenance of cohesion policy basically as is, but with more simplifications and reduced bureaucracy and administrative requirements, with a strong connection to economic governance trough ex ante conditionalities. On the other side, the “Net Payers” present several critics to the maintenance of cohesion policy financial weight, defending that a centralized management (e.g. 2020 HORIZON, CEF) would perform better than the current shared management applied model, and proposed that the total budget and Member States contributions should be the same as the 2014-2020 programming period but with a more results-oriented contracting and added value demonstrations. The Multiannual Financial Framework proposed by the European Commission at the beginning of May 2018 closely follows the first referred above scenario in terms of the overall budget, proposing for the post 2020 period (2012 to 2027) a value of EUR 1.135bn, corresponding to 11% of the EU- 27 gross national income. With regard to Cohesion Policy, the Commission proposal also closely follows scenario 1 previously presented - "Cohesion for all regions" - proposing to introduce some changes and modernizations. Generally speaking, this proposal points to a reduction of the current eleven thematic objectives to only five policy objectives, namely (European Union, 2018):