As a result, through their influence on domestic and international level organic intellectuals ofthe dominant class are able to keep the emerging discus- sions about EU stradepolicy within the prevailing frame that is based on assumptions imposed by them. A gradual diffusion of norms and values ofthe dominant class that was taking place during the past two decades helped spread, legitimize and institutionalize their beliefs as being universal. As was mentioned before, ideas play a very important role in the construction of meaning, its contestation and interpretation, therefore shaping our worldview. Thus, even despite a poor economic situation in a number ofEuropean states afterthe recent economic crisis there were not many discussions about the need to change the current tradepolicy to a more protectionist one as it was the case during the similar economic shocks in the past. Instead, further liberalization is seen to be the cure, while requests for protection ofEuropean industries are depicted in a negative way and are associated with worsening ofthe crisis, as it was the case during the Great Depression. 59 Neoliberal discourses of competetiveness and open
The role ofthe Presidency is particularly important in the IGC context. The various Presidencies did not help much in the Commission’s quest for an extension ofthe CCP. For the Italian Presidency, tradepolicy had only very subordinate importance and featured lowly on its agenda (Council 1996a; interview 1997). It wasted little political energy on the issue and was also not particularly progressive in terms of its substantive approach (cf. Council 1996a). The Irish Presidency’s goal was to bring forward a comprehensive general Treaty outline and sought to fulfill the role of honest broker in the interest oftheUnion (Humphreys 1997; Ludlow 1997b). Although the Irish did not devote significantly greater attention to the issue than the Italians, they were generally supportive of extending Article 113 which was reflected in several Presidency notes and in its draft Treaty (cf. Council 1996b). The Dutch Presidency had a strong preference to seal the IGC negotiations during its term. On the issue oftradepolicythe person mainly in charge of this dossier, the Dutch Titulaire in the Article 113 Committee, has been considered to be rather critical of an extension ofthe CCP (interview 1999). The Dutch Presidency was thus less supportive. In its April 1997 text, it proposed QMV and external representation by the Commission acting as the sole negotiator, but it also drew up a protocol of exceptions and then wrote ‘...’ which was regarded by delegations (and functional ministries) as an invitation for tabling further derogations and eventually turned the protocol into a ‘shopping list’ (interview, 1999; cf. Dutch Presidency 1997). Although there had been underlying ‘protectionist’ tendencies in many national ministries throughout the IGC, these were now presented with a concrete outlet. Hence, the Dutch Presidency made a considerable misjudgement by introducing the ‘shopping-list’ approach, as other options seem to have been available. This approach eventually led to the abandoning of discussions on a permanent extension of Article 113 because the proposed text was ‘too laborious and draught with exceptions [and] a number of participants thought that the value added […] was doubtful’ (EuropeanPolicy Centre 1997b).
TheEuropean competition policy is based on Article 3 (f) oftheTreatyof Rome signed on March 25, 1957 and came into force on January 1, 1958, now Article 3 (g) ofThe Maastricht Treaty signed in 1992 and entered into force in 1993, which establishes that at the level ofthe community measures should be taken as in the future "the competition in the Common Market not to be distorted". This Treaty provides the way to meet this condition by applying "the rules of competition” that are contained in theTreatyof Rome in Articles 85-94, and in The Maastricht Treaty in Articles 81-89 . In these articles there is regulated the control that can be exercised by the Commission on anti-competitive arrangements, anti- competitive behavior of monopolies and state enterprises, on state aids etc. These behaviors, subject ofthe Commission's control are even today, after almost 50 years, the content of EU' s competition policy. Very important in this context is TheLisbonTreaty signed in 2007 and entered into force on 1 December 2009 which brings guarantees and provides more efficiency to theEuropeanUnion and therefore to its 27 members in the areas of: tradepolicy, competition policy and maintains and strengthens for theEuropean citizens the four freedoms : the free movement of goods, persons, services and capitals and political, economic and social freedom.
The process of establishment of a Common European Asylum System (CEAS) in theEuropeanUnion began in 1999, with the entering into force oftheTreatyof Amsterdam. Nevertheless, facing the increasing numbers of people claiming asylum in theEuropeanUnion every day, instead of a common and consistent EU response, we’ve seen the adoption of a set unilateral measures that can harm important developments ofthe EU integration process. This research project seeks to draw some conclusions on asylum law and policy in theEuropeanUnion, or at least contribute to the debate on the future of a common asylum system in theEuropeanUnion, given its main failures and opportunities. It attempts to answer how refugees’ protection in theEuropeanUnion is affected by theEuropean decision-making process and, at the same time, how this decision-making process creates legal dilemmas within the framework ofthe Common European Asylum System (CEAS). However, it does not focus exclusively on what is the CEAS, nor in its limitations thus far. It intends to go further and examine the main opportunities and challenges facing theEuropeanUnion in the construction of its common asylum law and policy, stressing the progress already made and the constraints ofthe debate. It does so through the comparative analysis of primary sources, such as legislation and official documents from various bodies ofthe EU and from the UNHCR, and secondary sources, such as studies and research articles from relevant scholars and relevant documentation launched by non-governmental organizations (ECRE, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International). With resource to empirical evidence and legislative documents launched in the context ofthe current refugee crisis, this study intends to provide a humble, but up-to-date contribution to the literature on refugees, asylum and EU governance research.
In these settings, the capacity that countries have to incorporate and be part of this new paradigm based on innovation determines in a great extent the opportunities to generate growth conditions and better economic and social conditions of development. In theEuropean context currently the regional differences of economies that consider innovation as a central focus ofthe country development agenda have shaped a specific geography of innovation strongly marked by disparities and divergences. Portugal, as many European countries has had to participate also in this globalizing process to reduce this gap and has had to consider the incorporation of new and critical factors in order to improve the capabilities to take advantages of a knowledge based economy. However, some indicators at European level, point out that Portugal is still lagging, considering many average indicators related to innovation and competitiveness; R&D expenditures, patents, educational level, etc., showing that there is still so much to improve and advance in this context. It is mandatory that economic and regional public policies change the actual traditional neoclassic logic and deepen the efforts and activities to promote innovation and creativity. Despite important efforts have been developed from theEuropeanUnion through the “European Agenda ofLisbon” to become “the most competitive knowledge base economy”, Portugal has assumed only recently the necessity to add efforts in order to contribute with theEuropeanUnion vision where the necessities to transit to a knowledge and innovation based economy is evident and mandatory.
Despite the exigencies oftheEuropeanUnion regarding the active inclusion , which means to ensure labor markets for those looking for a job and for the disadvantaged persons , in several countries Greece, Ţortugal, Romania, etc. some passive policies were promoted, resource consuming, outside the system of social economy, that have aggravated the local crises and have extended the global crisis ofthe current society European Commission , p. .
Cohesion policy aims at reducing the economic, social and territorial cohesion between EU regions. Its implementation through the Structural Funds is one ofthe main strands of EU action in the Europe 2020 Strategy for growth and jobs. With over 348 billion euros allocated multiannual financial framework 2007-2013, it is the second largest item in the EU budget afterthe Common Agricultural Policy. Cohesion policy has been a topic of great interest because ofthe potential opportunities, especially in the current financial and economic crisis, which can be offered by boosting accessing European funds. In April 2013 theEuropean Commission reported that, since 2007, were created almost 400 000 jobs, over 53,000 start-ups received support, 2.6 million people were served by projects water supply and 5.7 million people were served by waste water projects. However, the contribution of cohesion policy convergence, growth and jobs remains an open question.
The view ofthe drop ofthe solidification bronze on plaster mould and the fragments of plaster mould from the side ofthe contact with the melted drop show on Figure 8. Conducted analy- ses on station to the investigations of processes setting on the surface ofthe mould under the influence ofthe liquid bronze, in the normal weather condition of surroundings confirm that the considerable quantity of gases gives off in the process ofthe decomposition ofthe anhydrite. The large quantity of gas cavities testifies about this inside the drop ofthe solidification bronze on the surface ofthe plaster mould and characteristic shape and the colour ofthe surface ofthe plaster mould under the drop.
The preparation ofthe casting process included heating the mould in 70°C, which caused water to evaporate. Next, the mould parts were joined together and filled with an aluminum alloy. Afterthe alloy solidified, the mould was broken and the cast cooled (fig. 3).
The samples were remelted on the surface with the electric arc with the use ofthe FALTIG 315AC/DC apparatus. The single remelting was applied. The treatment parameters were used: amperage ofthe electric arc I = 100 A, speed ofthe electrode movement v=200 mm/min. As the plasma formative gas, the argon was used. The treatment has been conducted at the depart- ment of Foundry and Welding of Rzeszow University of Tech- nology. Afterthe remelting, there has been the conventional tempering done 1x1 hour in a temperature of 200°C for the steel C90 and 2x2 hours in the temperature of 560 °C for the steel HS 6- 5-2. Parameters of tempering (temperature, time and multiplicity) ofthe tested steels were selected according to the standard PN-EN ISO 4957:2002U. The microhardeness measurements were made with the Hanemanna objective mph 100. The load used was 0,064 N, the operating time ofthe load was 10 s. Metallographic tests were conducted on the optical microscope - Neophot 2 and Tesla BS-340 electronic scanning microscope.
This paper confirms the importance ofthe financial systems behaviour conditions to the credit channel of monetary policy in the entire EuropeanUnion (EU). It uses panel fixed- effect estimations and quarterly data for 26 EU countries for the period from Q1 1999 to Q3 2006 in an adaptation ofthe Bernanke and Blinder (1988) model. The findings also reveal the high degree of foreign dependence and indebtedness ofthe EU banking institutions and their similar reactions to the macroeconomic and the monetary policy environments.
Maybe the process ofEuropean integration is giving reason to the architects of liberal inter- governmentalism (Moravcsik 1993, 2001). National governments make their calculations bearing in mind the costs and beneﬁts of EU developments, and increasingly measure them against a domestic yardstick. National interests are the main priority for a vast majority of national governments. Cooperation – not to mention supranational governance – is not as powerful as before. There are several motivations behind this sceptical assessment. One ofthe most powerful is the reluctance to take the interests of other member states into con- sideration, particularly when economics sound bad. Furthermore the EU lacks strong politi- cal leadership committed with the future ofEuropean integration. Consequently, member states incorporate their own interests and bypass an overall assessment ofEuropean inte- gration. Therefore, the promises behind the ambitious enlargement are fading away. They are, at best, a glimpse ofthe past that was lost throughout the years (Gillingham 2003).
The questionings about the American school model gained space with the contributions of Robert W. Cox (1983) and Stephen Gill (1990), among others, that stimulated the overflow ofthe analysis ofthe economic phenomena in the international arena, beyond the theoretical and empirical scope proposed by previous authors; this contributed to build a new line of thought in IPE. The latter two authors, for example, introduced new analytical tools, through the dialectical historical materialism of Marx, for understanding IR and therefore IPE, using Gramsci's work together with the emancipatory character of reason advocated by the Frankfurt School. Thus, theGramscian concept of hegemony is reinterpreted to read the internationalization of production, and the maintenance ofthe agenda of international institutions favorable to the interests ofthe central states ofthe international economy.
Mercantilism as a first trade theory was developed in the sixteenth century and stated that country’s wealth was determined by the amount of its gold and silver holdings. Mercantilists believed that a country should increase its holdings of gold and silver by promoting exports and discouraging imports (Morrow, 2010). In 1776, Adam Smith offered a new trade theory called absolute advantage, which focused on the ability of a country to produce goods more efficiently than another nation. David Ricardo, an English economist, introduced the theory of comparative advantage in 1817. Ricardo reasoned that even if a country had the absolute advantage in the production of many products, specialization and trade could still occur with other countries (Ricardo, 2001; Porter, 2011). In the early 1900s, two Swedish economists, Eli Heckscher and Bertil Ohlin, determined that the cost of any factor or resource in the country was a function of supply and demand. Their theory stated that countries would produce and export goods that required resources or factors that were in great supply and, therefore, cheaper production factors (Morrow, 2010).
382120160002000010, published in the Brazilian Political Science Review Vol.10(3), on pages 01-08, was published with the omission ofthe name of one of its authors, due to a mistake at the time of sending the file. In the authorship ofthe article, the name of Davi Demuner must be Added and his institutional affiliation as Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, Brazil. The name and the institutional affiliation ofthe authors follow:
Introduction of aluminium in the quantity of either about 0.6% (the alloy from melt No. 1) or about 1.1% (the alloy from melt No. 2) leads to the arising ofthe ferrite-pearlite matrix containing the precipitates of free cementite despite the significant silicon content in the cast iron (see data in Table 4 and Figs 2 and 4). The cast iron from these two melts did not contain the regular nodular graphite precipitates. In both cases the shape of graphite precipitates, according to the Standard , can be classified as II, its distribution as B, magnitude as 6 (see Figs 1 and 3).
Prof Alberto Briganti’s presentation began with the case of a 57-year-old male diagnosed with a 4 + 3 bilateral extended prostate cancer. The patient displayed some CV risk factors, including diabetes and obesity. Following staging, the patient appeared to have no systemic disease in the bone or in the abdomen and pelvis; however, a prostate magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scan showed a suspicious area of minimal extracapsular extension at the right apex. Prostate-speciic antigen (PSA) levels were 21.6 ng/mL, indicating that he was a high-risk patient. He consequently underwent bilateral extended pelvic lymph node dissection (PLND). The inal pathological report revealed that the patient had a Gleason score of 8, 2/21 positive lymph nodes, and a positive surgical margin, with complete recovery of urinary continence at 4 weeks after surgery. Post-surgery evaluation showed that the patient had a PSA of 0.07 ng/mL, had no spontaneous erections, and did not require a protective pad at 40 days.
There have been several points at which proponents of a united Europe have thought it timely to take stock, and to consider how far integration has come, and where it should be going. Now is another of those points. The euro-currency crisis has prompted it, leading to renewed talk of a ‘two-speed’ Europe, of a stand-still budget, and of referenda to ascertain the popular will on repatriation of powers, and even of continued membership ofthe EU. This book is a much-needed forum for thinkers about Europe – neither elected politicians, nor civil servants – to exchange ideas about what is desirable and what is possible in the evolving idea that is Europe.
This work is a continuation of previous research regarding the modeling the investment function in in relation to specific factors. Previous research had as their starting point the elimination ofthe limitation according to which the investment function is a function dependent on interest rate and I introduced in the analysis the aspect related to fiscal pressure. Following these previous studies, I obtained the following results: - a new model for determining long-term investments, but also an identification ofthe measures that would lead to increased investments (Opreana, 2010, pp.227-237, and Opreana, 2013, pp.4-12);
territories with Andalusia (Spain), and through which 6,698 migrants arrived in Europe from Syria (3,789 persons), Guinea (671 persons) and Côte d’Ivoire (354 persons); ii) The Central Mediterranean Route: this connects African territories with Sicily (Italy) and its surrounding islands. This route has brought 91,302 migrants to Europe in 2015, from Eritrea (23,878), Nigeria (10,747) and unidentified Sub-Saharan countries (9,766 persons); iii) The Apulia and Calabria Route: connects Africa with Southern Italian territories. Its migration statistics are included in the Central Mediterranean Route data; iv) The Eastern Mediterranean Route: connects Asian and Middle East territories with Greece. This route has brought 132, 240 migrants to Europe in 2015, from Syria (78,190 persons), Afghanistan (32,581 persons) and Pakistan (6,641 persons).