Students experienced difficulties as a result of differences between gender relations in a traditional patriarchal Fijian setting and the United States. Although we attempted to prepare students for these differences in class room-based workshops prior to our departure, discussing appropriate behavior and actually engaging in it was a challenging transition for most of the students. The Fijian patriarchal perspective creates some serious disadvantages of teaching science to a group of young American women. Specifically, a field school taught in a foreign cultural context such as this creates particular difficulties in navigating culturally appropriate gender roles when they differ significantly from one's own. If our group was going to display truly appropriate behavior from the Fijian perspective, we needed to sit quietly and defer to the men at all times, avoid asking questions, and stay close to the kitchen and residential area. Obviously this type of behavior would have inhibited our scientific endeavors and made it impossible to achieve our project goals. Most students recognized that their position in the village was complicated and context dependent. We had many discussions about this, both as a group and in one-on-one mentoring sessions, during our time on the island. As a result the challenges provided an opportunity for questioning, reflection, and personal growth; culture shock experiences often serve as advantageous for anthropologists and students as they learn to become professionals (Bruggemann 1987; Gmelch 1997; Ward 1999). Moreover, our presence on the island resulted in changes for our group as well as for the Fijians we lived and worked with. Young Fijian men are expected to uphold traditional roles, yet they are increasingly exposed to global ideas about gender relations and gender equality. On the other hand, the American female students were attempting to balance the prestige of an academically competitive fellowship with the daily reality of their complex gender status in a patriarchal society that places great emphasis on male-female avoidance and gender segregation.
This article relies on the intersectional framework in an attempt to highlight the macro-level drivers of HIV/AIDS and STIs in the ESC region (see Figure 1). As shown, there is an examination of the general drivers/risk factors of HIV/ AIDS and STIs for 15- to 24-year-old youth, including pov- erty and income inequality, gender power imbalances, socio-cultural norms, low educational status, stigmatized sexual behaviors, and governmental policies, as well as the micro-level drivers, including family dynamics, sex abuse, risky sexual behaviors, and neurobiological and hormonal processes. This framework also simultaneously examines both the interplay between and among the relevant macro- level and micro-level factors and assess the combined effects of these variables (Else-Quest and Hyde, 2016). Also shown are the prevention/intervention variables which serve as buffers against the effects of structural and micro- level risk factors thereby contributing to improved health outcomes for at-risk Caribbean youth.
P2 - I think this person who says he/she found out later is that he/she resisted a lot because he/ she had to hold on. . . many family issues, many society issues, that he/she could not think of. It has been noted that the causal attributions associated with prejudice are those that allow, in some way, the change. If the nature of diversity is religious, ethical-moral, psychological or biological, one can think of change. On the other hand, belief in a psychosocial (cultural) nature does not even require a causal explanation, as it positions all expressions of sexuality and gender as human manifestations. That was the belief manifested by most of the study’s psychologists, although some have agreed to biological explanations. They also criticized traditional explanations of psychology, such as poor resolution with parental figures or perversion. There was a consensus in the perception of the negative consequences of explanations that allow change, among them, the actions of “reversion” or “repair” of sexual orientation, a practice considered inhumane, dangerous and, in the worst cases, iatrogenic (American Psychological Association, 2009; Cochran & Robohm, 2015).
Abstract: This article explores corporate governance issues like ownership structure, genderdiversity accountability, risk management and internal audit at managerial level of a textile company listed on the Bucharest stock exchange. For this reason, secondary data was used as information collection tool. Results of the study underline the conclusion that, corporate governance is being implemented in companies belonging to the textile industry of Romania although correlated with some weaknesses. Analyzed documents confirm that the chosen textile company is trying to implement various accepted corporate governance policies, to stay competitive. The manufacturing processes were constantly improved involving a variety of techniques, with the purpose for diminishing environmental negative impact by eliminating waste. The board of directors as well as the top-management has a good understanding of the responsibilities for each member in order to ensure good corporate governance. The lack of a trade union could be the causative factor of wage inequality and loss of a stronger worker voice. Although the result of external constraints, we identified a process for constant enhancement of corporate governance in the company. The implementation of the code of corporate governance contributed to improvement in performance especially share value. Future research directions aimed extending the sample by selecting several other companies from different industries, for comparison.
Moreover, exposed women who want to report or leave a relationship are restrained by socio-cultural factors positioning women in the home, and men as the authority figures who control family finances and take decisions. Women are therefore restrained by economic dependency on their husbands and also by legal and historical factors, such as laws on child custody in case of separation or lack of support related to the loss of family members during the Rwandan genocide . According to the Rwandan civil code, in the event of divorce, the mother can only retain custody of very young children and has to deliver them to their father once weaned. Under this code, child custody is supposed to go either to the innocent spouse i.e the spouse who has been granted the divorce or, in the interests of children, to the spouse who can best ensure their education , which is the father in most cases. A Kenyan study  presents findings in line with those reported by the RDHS , showing that women generally take no action when they are exposed to IPV. If women do act, they initially contact their origi- nal family and thereafter make contact with available community structures or hospitals. As a last option, police and legal structures are approached . In this stepwise process of action, women face a number of barriers. These barriers consist of: a) the absence of a link between dif- ferent authorities and services, b) health services with poor knowledge, skills and commitment, and c) community members who tend to normalize violence . Also, penalties such as jail or fines are inadequate or counterproductive as they often prevent women from acting and reporting due to dependence on their husbands for financial resources .
In my research I decided to focus only on the Italian boards of the FTSE-MIB listed companies. In Italy, the participation of females in labor market appears very weak. According to the GenderDiversity Index, between 2011 and 2015, Italy ranked in a very low position compared the other countries of the European Union; this is mainly due to the size of its genderinequality gap. Italy also shows one of the smallest percentage rates of women employed by private enterprises with only Russia, China, Turkey and Hungary ranking lower. Unfortunately, Italian poor performances do not only depend from the scarce female participation to the labour markets; it also depend from the function that women are carrying out, which frequently coincide with back or middle office positions.
the same time, was postulated as already existing prior to the moment of colonial contact, and thus served to legitimise the way that domination was undertaken. Consequently, since Pero Vaz de Caminha’s Letter and the first descriptions produced by missionaries like the priests Father Anchieta, Gândavo, Fernão Cardim and Ambrósio Brandão, amongst others, a meaning for the lack that was already presumed to exist was found and proven linguistically: the letters F, R and L did not exist in the indigenous language and this evidenced the absence of a religious authority, a central royal power and of a legal administration 2 . Languages are thus the object of linguistic observations and, simultaneously, the process of describing them reifies a particular, previously constructed, linguistic-cultural image.
4 Na acepção de Judith Butler, filósofa norte-americana, estudiosa da teoria queer, em entrevista à Prins e Meijer (2002), a abjeção de certos tipos de corpos, sua inaceitabilidade por códigos de inteligibilidade, manifesta-se em políticas e na política, e viver com um tal corpo no mundo é viver nas regiões sombrias da ontologia. Para ela, corpos abjetos são aqueles que não deveriam existir, tomando como referência determinada matriz cultural. São corpos cujas vidas não são consideradas vidas e cuja materialidade é entendida como não importante. Apesar deste artigo não ter como base a teoria queer, o caminho argumentativo de Butler parece corresponder com estreiteza às discriminações que incidem sobre as pessoas trans. 5 Convém lembrar que o preconceito não é um fenômeno individual, mas social. Como a ideologia sexista e patriarcal penetra nas relações sociais, aquele indivíduo que age com preconceito, age por estar autorizado a discriminar categorias sociais, marginalizando-as do convívio social (SAFFIOTI, 2004).
wearing home-spun clothes make someone a target for discrimination (Weismantel, 2001, 2000; Zorn, 2004). But as tourist attractions, some of these cultural markers are now undergoing a partial re- versal in meaning. For example, UNESCO declared Taquile’s hand-woven textiles a Heritage of Human- ity, which has brought recognition from beyond the island (Ypeij & Zorn, 2007). Both Taquilean men and women still wear hand-woven cloth on a daily basis and consider it an essential part of their ethnic identity (Zorn, 2004). This sets the community apart from other indigenous groups, where store-bought textiles are becoming increasingly common. Com- paring tourism development on Taquile with that of the neighbouring island of Amantaní, Gascón (2005) argues that one reason Taquile has been more suc- cessful in attracting visitors is its lower degree of acculturation, which is most visible to tourists in the locals’ traditional dress. Beyond that, rather than hiding indigenous markers to avoid discrimination, local people themselves come to value them more.
safeguard and to define culture, museums have always been sites for the negotiation of difference’. According to this author, museums are constituted by, and themselves constitute, difference. In other words, social, cultural and gender difference are at the core of the museums in general and of ethnographic museums in particular. As Sharon MacDonald (2016) has pointed out, cultural difference can be produced, ‘unintentionally, for example through the effects of relative location, as well as
Quando se fala em gênero, num primeiro momento, vem em mente à divisão biológica entre o sexo feminino e o masculino. No entanto, quando se analisa teoricamente o conceito, vê-se que ele é bem mais abrangente, ou seja, não apenas a divisão biológica que pode defini-lo. Para Louro (2002), falar sobre gênero é analisar a construção social e cultural do feminino e do masculino. Pode-se entender então que gênero é uma categoria construída historicamente, pois assume formas diferentes em diversas sociedades, diferenciando-se no tempo e no espaço, dependendo da classe social e dos grupos étnicos estudados. Uma série de fatores deve ser analisada para que se possa definir essa categoria. Falar em gênero, portanto, implica falar em outros fatores como relações de poder, sexualidade, cultura, trabalho.
Studies have observed more receptive male attitudes towards housework sharing (Wall, 2007a), suggesting the permeability of cultural models of masculinity to the transformations in gender relations (Lorga, forthcoming). However, in practice, there is little change on the domestic front. The impact of changes in the division of paid work on the division of housework is not linear, as women’s independence – due to increasing female employment – and the demands of a full- or part-time job have not resulted in significant changes in the division of housework (Lewis, 2001; Press & Townsley, 1998). Between the notions of division of housework – childcare and domestic work – and the notions of delegation – cleaner, nanny, nursery, outsourcing services, network of family members – it is more often women who have to question their career aspirations and reformulate or adjust their employment plans in accordance with the family logistics. This pattern of the family division of labour reflects the discrepancy between egalitarian attitudes and the asymmetric practices that many studies continue to find (Wall, 2007a). This incongruity also questions the principles of economistic (Becker, 1991), rationalistic (Blood & Wolfe, 1960), normative (West & Zimmerman, 1987) or subjectivist theories (Hakim, 2002). In this paper we take a comprehensive approach that focuses on the constraints, negotiations and different interests that intervene in the family division of labour (Crompton, 2006; Moen, 2003).
The genderinequality in Belarus has their roots from the Soviet Period. The usual and normal image of Soviet woman was a housekeeper with responsibilities of taking care of her husband and children. Moreover, women were obliged to work, and often on physically hard and harmful. It was propagated as "normal and natural" in numerous Soviet films, books and other mass media (Gradskova, 2007). An increasing number of scientific articles on this topic confirm this fact. However, modern researchers consider this problem through the prism of the notion of gender as a significant category of analysis of the women's issue. Aivazova (2016) considers that gender results from the interaction between the two sexes, and the cultural patterns formed by societies are reflected in this interaction. Starush (2011) considers that, in the year 1917, there were three distinct ideological positions: the reformists and the proletarian who considered the equality of women, albeit in a distinct, and national- patriotic which placed women into a secondary position in the society.
To the extent that income inequality affects either of the aforementioned channels, income distribu- tion may affect the size of the multiplier. Furthermore, the economic situation in Europe early in the crisis was particularly complex, increasing the uncertainty regarding the impact of fiscal consolidation measures. One particular element to be considered was the binding zero lower bound on nominal interest rates that rendered the European Central Bank with no (conventional) monetary policy. Evi- dence from Christiano et al. (2011) show that, using a dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE) model, an economy in a liquidity trap can have multipliers above 3. Further evidence is provided by Woodford (2011) using a new Keynesian DSGE model. The author found that, in the presence of a zero lower bound, 6
In describing the income inequality of societies, a range of indices is used by economists and social scientists. The most popular are the Gini coefficient, the members of the Generalised Entropy (GE) class of indices (such as the Theil and Atkinson coefficients and the Mean Logarithmic Deviation), and the percentile ratios P90/P10 and P75/P25. The values of the coefficients tell us about the overall inequality at a certain point in time, or – by displaying a time series of coefficients – about trends in overall inequality. One of the central issues in studying income inequality concerns the underlying factors and processes. Most studies focus on mechanisms of individual income attainment and as- sume that differences in individual income can be aggregated to macro-level income inequality (e.g. Verhoeven, 2007). This is problematic because mechanisms at the individual level can be counteracted by mechanisms at the macro-level, like governmental policies and market reforms. In understanding changes in income distribution, it is important to study the factors and processes that influence in- come inequality directly. The decomposition of income inequality may shed light on these factors and processes. The decomposition of overall income inequality by population subgroups and by income sources was introduced in the early 1980s in publications by Bourguignon (1979) and by Shorrocks (1980, 1982, 1984). They showed that a number of inequality measures could be additively decomposed, but not all of them. Since then, a large number of socio-economic studies have shown standard de- compositions of income inequality.
Sociologists of culture have confronted American based models with ideas and models of European contemporaries: Bourdieu, Giddens, Habermas, or Bauman, among others, though without accepting their formulations uncritically. Moreover, many are less committed to a conception of sociology as a purely “objective” science, and see it as a discipline embedded in a world of moral and political choices among competing values. I would argue that this perspective must be encompassed in our analyses rather than be allowed to creep in and contaminate our findings. This is all the more vital because of the opening up to legitimacy areas of concern that had been thoughtlessly (or deliberately?) excluded in the past. In any case, methodologies of whatever kind need to be related both to humanistic concerns, including the precise meanings that are constructed in language, norms, values, beliefs, and to socio-economic structural bases. All in all, cultural sociologists have by theory, example and practice much to contribute to the vital and potentially dangerous debates that pervade such domains as that of “identity,” including ethnicity, gender, race, and many others with a strongly political loading.
and between countries. In addition, 19% of the total variance of the activity limitation index was attributed to differences between countries relat- ing to their averages. The final multilevel model explained 67% of the variance in gender differ- ences between European countries, with interac- tions between levels not considered. Compared to model I, the addition of the other level 1-indi- vidual variables and the social genderinequality contextual factor at level 2 changed the residual variance by a factor of 0.656 / 0.847 = 0.774 in model III, which resulted in a variance represent- ed by 1-0.774 = 0.226.
METHODS: In this cross-sectional study, we used data from 3,117 subjects of both genders aged 24 to 65-years old, regarding the baseline of Pró-Saúde Study, 1999-2001. Abdominal obesity was deined according to abdominal circumference thresholds of 88 cm for women and 102 cm for men. A multi-dimensional, self-administered questionnaire was used to evaluate education levels and demographic variables. Slope and relative indices of inequality, and Chi-squared test for linear trend were used in the data analysis. All analyses were stratiied by genders, and the indices of inequality were standardized by age.
12 In a more recent study, Tyson (2003) finds that genderdiversity provides a better company performance, and this is mainly due to the existence of different points of view. There are studies that support and demonstrate two different foundations when compared to the females in the TMT or top position and firm performance. Campbell & Mínguez- Vera (2007), claim that diversity increases creativity and innovation as these features are not randomly distributed in the population, but tend to vary (e.g. gender). The gender composition of the board can affect the quality of this monitoring role and thus the financial firm performance. They used 68 companies and 408 observations, from companies listed on the Madrid market in the following period 1995-2000. In order to measure firm performance researchers used Tobin Q, which is defined by the sum of the market value of the shares and the book value of debt divided by book value of total assets. Researchers (Campbell & Mínguez-Vera, 2007) show that the presence of one or more women on the board has an irrelevant effect on firm value. Nevertheless, it is understood that the ratio of women to men on the board and the diversity indices have a positive effect on the value of the firm, and the indices of the company does not affect the ratio of women to men on the board and the diversity indices.