The experience of developed countries shows that cluster processes serve as a base for constructive dialogue between the people in the entrepreneurial and state environment, educational, information environments, nongovernmental associations etc. They allow Abstract: The interest in the study of clustersandtheirrolein the economicdevelopment of certain regions has constantly grown in the past years. This interest has also been emphasized by the emergence of successful clustersin many regions; these are clusters that have visibly and they have determined the increase in competitiveness of those particular regions. Clusters are geographic gatherings of firms and institutions, connected to each other and specialized in certain fields of activity. In Romania, due to the low cooperation level among enterprises we cannot say that proper clusters exists, but just someă“spatialăgatherings”ăofăfirmsăactivatingăinăcertainădomains,ăconnectedăbyătheăneedăofă using certain natural resources and the existence of a specialized workforce in that particularădomain.ăNaturală“clusters”ăcanăbeăidentifiedăbyămeansăofăquantitativeăanalyses,ă these indicating the possibility to identify certain spatial assemblies of firms in a certain economic sector. Starting from these quantitative analyses, for Banat region have been identified some important spatial gatherings of firms activating in certain domains which could represent potentialclustersin this area. As clusters function on the principle of cooperation among enterprises, a strong point of the region is the presence of foreign investors which promoted the model of enterprise cooperation through sub-contracting local enterprises. Among these, we mention the Italian investors which brought to Banat, especiallyătoăTimişăCountyătheăItalianăclusterămodel.ăAreăthereăinăBanatăpremisesăforătheă emergence of clusters? Which are the fields of activity in which these clusters can emerge? What role will these clusters play in the economicdevelopment of the region? These are just some of the questions that we aim answering to through this study.
Seeing these obstacles to economic growth andregional integration, the South American ministers responsible for transport, energy and telecommunication agreed, at a meeting in Montevideo in 2000, to coordinate their policies and to foster physical integration in said sectors. 6 They identified twelve development axes for this purpose. In order to put the decisions taken in Montevideo into practice, IIRSA was founded in the same year. IIRSA is a loose intergovernmental initiative, a technical forum for cooperation on regional infrastructure, and concentrates on coordinating investment in projects that physically interlink the South American countries. Until 2014, the IIRSA portfolio will have reached USD 130 billion and a total of 544 projects. The development axes “Mercosur-Chile” and “Peru-Brazil-Bolivia” are by far the largest with an investment share of 39 and 22 percent respectively of the total IIRSA investment (Comité de Coordinación Técnica 2012: 14). The remaining axes cover the rest of South America, ranging from the southern Andes to the Highlands of Guyana. If all projects envisaged in the context of IIRSA were carried out, South America would be integrated closely by railway and road corridors, waterways and electricity transmission lines. Brazil would assume a nodel rolein the resulting infrastructure network. However, the IADB (2008: i) criticizes that IIRSA does not possess criteria to rank projects with reference to their probable impact on physical integration across borders. 240 of IIRSA’s initial 335 projects are limited to the national scale; only 95 constitute transnational ventures (IADB 2008: 10). Moreover, we think it is essential to bear in mind that IIRSA mostly exists on paper. What marks contemporary transport infrastructure in South America are all the aforementioned hurdles. They reduce Brazil’s role as a geoeconomic node to the Southern Cone.
Local producers andtheir associations are key actors in enterprise and local business development. Inter-firm cooperation and joint action plays a central role. However, local producers are very often individualistic and find it difficult to combine competition with cooperation. Several commentators have indicated that joint action and inter-firm co- operation, of the kind enumerated above, does not come easily. Some argue that such collaboration requires a kind of external catalyst or brokerage role (Meyer-Stamer, 1998, Barzelay, 1991, Helmsing, 2001a). The multiple roles of business associations ineconomicdevelopment are increasingly recognized and they may take a variety of forms (Levistky, 1993). Traditionally, they represent their members intheir dealings with government. They often negotiate with trade unions. Their other traditional function is a social one. An association provides a reference group for individual entrepreneurs. More recently, the emphasis shifted to two other functions, the provision of business development services and what some have called ‘private interest governance’ (e.g. establishing codes of conducts for an industry, settling disputes, etc.).
be considered over he short period 2003-2005 only (according to P. Maystadt]. These new members states, former communist countries, for all progress that has been made with the creation of new markets, improved production capacity, modernized industry are still confronted with a slow catch up process with the EU western member states. The fact that regional disparities in Europe are larger ight e o du i e to the idea that EU s regional policies are not properly working, but this is not by all means the case, since without support mechanisms such as structural funds, their effectiveness is not easily observable. With the expending process of globalization worldwide, accompanied by technical change, the production structures are being reshaped and the entire manufacturing, finance, banking and business domains facing an increased and rapid growth. Peripheral regions, nevertheless, develop less dynamically.
as strategic alliances, industrial regions, concerns, cartels, holding companies, corporations, networks, hierarchies, technological parks, logistic centres, etc. he main thing that should be realised while deining and studying clusters is that a cluster is one form of economic interaction, with occasional deals on the one hand and mergers and acquisitions on the other. However, further analysis reveals several unclear aspects. First of all, it is not clear what distinguishes a cluster from other forms of economic interaction; moreover, the economic interconnection essence of cluster participants is not determined. In order to eliminate these shortcomings it is necessary to compare the forms of economic interaction mentioned ineconomic literature. As the comparative analysis of clustersand other forms of interaction of economic subjects (such as corporations, inancial industry groups, syndicates, cartels, holdings, concern, networks, strategic alliance, economic associations, logistic centres, technological parks, business incubators, etc.) shows (Boroņenko, 2007), it is diicult to spot the precise border among the afore-mentioned forms, since speciic combinations of various forms are possible. he most evident distinctive feature of clusters is the variety of participants and diversity of their statuses, which show that it is impossible to develop economic activity beyond the production sphere or to become economically efective without partner relations with ‘non-production’ structures. Another distinctive feature of a cluster is its attachment to a particular region, which means that the appearance of a cluster ineconomic science and practice is closely connected with the necessity of separate regions to develop their competitive advantages in the modern conditions of globalisation. In Latvia the expert Uldis Osis was the irst person to mention these basic features of clustersin his report “On the National Programme on Latvian Forests and the Related Businesses” (Osis, 2004).
This article addresses the problem of definition and identification of clusters as localised mesoeconomic systems with fuzzy boundaries that stimulate the develop- ment of these systems. The author analyses the influence of the inductive approach on the formation of cluster theory and juxtaposes different typologies of clustersand other types of localised economic systems. The article offers an overview of the ex- isting methodological approaches to the problem of cluster identification and em- phasises the major role of institutional dimension in the identification (and function- ing) of clusters, especially in comparison to cluster formation theory based on the technological connection of adjacent units. The author comes to a conclusion that, without the inclusion of institutional factors, alongside localising and technological ones (demonstrated through different variables), it is virtually impossible to develop an independent cluster theory, different from general agglomeration theory. For the first time, a hierarchy of institutions affecting the formation of local economic sys- tems is considered against the background of the identification of institutional lev- els, whose full development makes it possible to speak of the formation of clusters as most successful mesoeconomic systems. At the same time, the author emphasises that, in economies gravitating towards the market type of organisation, the devel- opment of mesoeconomic systems is closely connected to competition for innovative rent. The article outlines the methodology for cluster studies, which makes it possi- ble to consider such relatively new to the regional science phenomena as innovative and «transborder» clusters.
Generally, Hungary’s Southern, Northern and (North-) Eastern counties have comparatively poor infrastructure connections, small numbers of joint ventures and a very weak private sector (Bachtler et al. 1999). Among other factors, it is the lack of favourable transport connections that makes regions like North-East Hungary and the Great Hungarian Plain far less competitive (Rechnitzer, 2000). Hungary’s Southern, Northern and (North-) Eastern border regions are all peripheries, theireconomic sources andpotential are still moderate and limited (Rechnitzer, 2000).
To achieve the goal proposed in this paper, we used a mathematical programming method known as data envelopment analysis (DEA). This method was used to construct an economic production function to analyze the energy eficiency considering a total factor structure. Thus, the energy is taken in conjunction with conventional inputs: workforce and capital. The latter is typically used ineconomic productivity analyses as inputs to produce an economic output (GDP). For economy or region, it is preferred that the GDP increase occurs while simultaneously decreasing the energy consumption, so that it reaches the production eficiency. Therefore, the targets for GDP growth and eficiency in energy consumption should be put together in order to sustain economicdevelopment (Hu & Wang, 2006).
several reasons for sharing the risk associated with automakers since the sector has to handle various issues (Tabeta & Rahman, 1999). Türkcan (2011) examined the development of vertical intra- industry trade (IIT) in the auto-parts industry as an indicator for international fragmentation of the production process between Austria and its 29 trading partners, and different country-specific factors recommended by the fragmentation literature were examined based on some panel econometrics as well as some historical data over the period 1996-2006. They reported that a substantial portion of IIT in the Austrian auto-parts industry was vertical IIT.
The spectra were processed with microQ-TOF control 3.0 (Bruker, Germany) using default settings, except that the parameters of transfer funnel RF and collision cell RF were set as 120 Vpp and 600 Vpp, respectively. The subsequent data analysis was carried out using the Data Analysis 4.0 Biotools 3.0 (Bruker, Germany), WARP-LC 2.0 (Bruker, Germany), and Mascot 2.2 (Matrix Science, London, U.K.), respectively. Protein identification was performed by searching the Swiss-Prot Hu- man2009–12 database with a precursor ion and fragment mass tolerance both set as 0.04 Da. Carbamidomethylation of cysteines was set as fixed modification, and oxidation of methionines, iTRAQ 8 plex modification of N terminal, K and Y were considered as variable modifications, respectively. One maximum mis-cleavage was accepted. The ion score cutoffs were set to 25 for peptides and to 68 for proteins. Peptide identifications were accepted if they could be established at greater than 90.0% probability as specified by the PeptideProphet algorithm. Protein identifications were accepted if they could be established at greater than 90.0% probability or contained at least 2 identified peptides. Proteins that contained similar peptides and could not be differentiated based on MS/MS analysis alone were grouped to satisfy the principles of parsimony. For classification, the gene ontology (GO) symbols of the identified proteins were curated using the XRef database, and queried against the gene ontology database using the GoMiner tool (http://discover.nci.nih.gov/ gominer/index.jsp). Prediction of the origin of proteins with
The main goal of SED scenarios is to function as a foresight tool helping decision-makers to explore the uncertainty associated with future developments. Foresight is defined here as a multi-disciplinary approach whose goal is to help decision-makers explore the uncertainty associated with future developments, and to assess the consequences of the various strategic choices available. In this specific case we focused on agriculture and its impact on water use. The methodological approach was inspired by the emerging literature on scenario planning and participatory foresight for water resources management (Van der Helm, 2003; Hatzilacou et al., 2007). Construction of the SED scenarios, aiming at 2030, was based on a diversity of sources of information: (i) pre-existing scenarios defined at national and European levels, (ii) statistical information describing recent trends in local agriculture, (iii) an identification of factors of change made through a specific workshop with experts and (iv) individual visions of the future expressed by farmers during interviews or in a preliminary workshop.
China, different from the former Soviet republics, including Russia and Ukraine, or the Eastern European countries, has adopted an alternative gradual, evolutional approach to the transition since the reform started at the end of 1978. This approach is partial, experimental, and especially without large-scale privatization. The Chinese approach didn ’t follow any pre-determined blueprint. China has become the fastest growing country in the world ever since the transition started. China has also successfully controlled the inflation in an acceptable level. Some economists attribute the China’s success to their unique initial conditions, namely, a large agricultural labor force, low subsidies to population, a rather decentralized economic system, and, large amount of rich Chinese overseas. The shock therapy, which attempts to eliminate the institutional distortions simultaneously, causes economic collapse due to the fact that this transition approach neglects the endogenous nature of those distortions. In the case of China, the gradual approach achieves dynamic growth because this approach continues to provide protections and subsidies to the nonviable enterprises meanwhile allowing enterprises to enter into the previously suppressed sectors, which are consistent with China’s comparative advantages. In China, the transition started with the decollectivization of agriculture, the improvement of the governance of state-owned enterprise through the enlargement of enterprise autonomy, the promotion of non-state enterprises that face hard budget constraints, and the introduction of a dual-track system to prices and exchange rate before their liberalization. In China, the process did not involve mass privatization. State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) maintained its dominant rolein the industrial sector. Through this cautious and gradual approach, these economies have been able to replace the traditional Soviet-type system with a market system meanwhile maintaining remarkable records of growth and price stability during the transition process. The initial objective of the Eastern European countries is to follow the western model of institution reform. However, in China the goal was simply to improve the efficiency of the economic system in her own ways, “crossing the river when feeling the stones”. (Lin, 2004).
Free flow of factors of production is a basic assumption to generate equality of per capita GDP in the Arrow-Debreu models type. Nevertheless, this assumption is only an approximation, as in reality there is always some transaction costs to move any factor of production among regions. Transport and contractual costs, or even taxes, are some of these costs. Whenever labour is the factor of production to move, transport is the most obvious cost. Nevertheless relocation costs, such as transaction costs for house purchase/rent, car and all durable goods purchases are also important. Capital movement normally leads at least to taxes and contractual costs. Often it also implies in transportation costs, if it is embodied in goods that can be used productively. Natural resources, whenever they can be moved, demand transportation costs. Therefore, in reality all movements of factors of production have some cost. If there is not free flow of factors of production, it is possible to have different equilibrium per capita GDP. Furthermore, the emerging disparity depends on the relative availability of the fixed factors of production.
Women also provide most of the labour for harvesting and post-harvest activities (FAO, 1996). Cassava is important, not only as a food crop but even more as a major source of income for rural households (Davies et al., 2008). As a cash crop, cassava generates cash income for the largest number of households in comparison with other staples. However the sustainability of this staple crop depends on the enormous availability of land for its cultivation. Land is the foundation of all human, social andeconomic activities that lie at the heart of social, political, or economic life of most nations especially African nations. Land is recognized as a primary source of wealth, social status and power, the basis for shelter, food, andeconomic activities and significantly provides employment opportunities in the rural areas. Land is fundamental to agriculture, yet the different challenges women face in accessing them are rarely fully addressed. For women, it is often particularly difficult to access, own or control land due to legal or cultural restrictions ( Emeasoba, 2012). This problem is widespread; women hold title to approximately two percent of land globally and are frequently denied the right to inherit property (World Bank, 2005). The wealth obtainable from cassava production, processing and marketing as a result of gender inequality remains under serious threat if nothing is done to improve the operating environmental and socio- economic conditions of the farmers in terms of asset holding, welfare and credit availability. The broad objective of the study is to analyze male and female access to land for cassava production in Abia state and specifically to describe the socio-economic characteristics of the respondents and the difference in quantity of cassava produced by both male and female respondents.
The main diference between the developing economy and a declining economy lies on the dynamism and ability to renovate, organize, communicate and adjust to new circumstances; in a few words, this may be called entrepreneurship . For this reason, local development policies should be focused not so much on creaion of new jobs as on creaion of an “environment” that favors spread of entrepreneurship values, a factor which favors the increase of employment and improvement of living standards. In addiion to the direct economic efects of making new services and products available and creaing employment, the SME has several equally important efects on the funcioning of transiional socieies that move through more indirect channels. The development of this sector is essenial to create the poliical and social ‘environmental condiions’ necessary to allow desirable changes to occur elsewhere in the system. The SME sector must simultaneously absorb resources and workers from the large enterprise sector and at the same ime help to create a labour market situaion in which the process of reorientaion and fundamental reorganizaion of the large enterprise sector can be carried through without threatening social peace.
Limitations of this study, while important, do not invalidate its exploratory nature. First, we interviewed only one group of players among the several who should be involved in a real deployment process. Although the managers of commu- nity banks are a group of critical importance, it is impossible to form a complete opinion of the model’s potential without hearing other stakeholders, especially customers and merchants – the users of this model; and companies that would provide the technical support for the operational infrastructure of the digital social currency, as well as card and mobile operators – external agents that could influence the implementation process. Another possible limitation is that data collection was through spontaneous interviews during an event that involved the pres- ence of more than one hundred community banks. Apparently, those who volunteered to participate in the interviews were the managers of the most active community banks, with the most extensive cases of social currency implementation. It is known that there are many other community banks (our interviewees represent only about 15% of the entire population) and we can- not tell whether those who were left out share the views of those who were interviewed.
The role of the insurance sector in the sustainability development support was determined and the possible measures of economicand social loss reduction, based on risk management, risk transfer, and sustainable investment, were proposed. A crucial necessity of the community resil- ience improvement and cooperation with other stakeholders was indicated. Sustainable insurance sector plays a determinant rolein the process of sustainable development as it possess vital leverages to enable and facilitate community resilience, and, therefore, to reduce the possible loss from Economic, Social and Governance issues (ESG issues). First of all, this could be achieved by the means of proper risk management, namely risk assessment and risk reduction. Second, risk transfer will help communities to cope with actual damage made and cover the loss. Finally, sustain- able investment activity may be used to make sure that business sector respects the key principles of sustainable developmentin its day-to-day activity. Cooperation with all the stakeholders of sustainable development, especially governments and communities, will help to develop a better expertize of risk management and create more effective tools for risk reduction. Implementing principles of sustainable investment into the core of their business values, insurance companies are likely to enjoy the improvement of their image and status, higher quality of their investment portfo- lio, and smaller refund sums payed on claims.
This paper was made in the project “Entrepreneurship and the Equality of Chances. An Inter-regional Model of Women School of Entrepreneurship” (acronym AntrES), a strategic project co-financed by the Social European Fund, Sectoral Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007-2013, “Investing in people!”, Priority Axis 3 “Increasing adaptability of workers and enterprises”, Major Intervention Domain 3. 1 “Promoting entrepreneurial culture”, Contract: POSDRU/9I/3.1/S/5 (grant value 12,500,104,00 lei), which took place between 5.01.2009 - 5.01.2011 under the coordination of the Faculty of Economics, University of Oradea, in partnership with: West University of Timi#oara; “Aurel Vlaicu” University, Arad; North University of Baia-Mare; “Eftimie Murgu” University, Re#i a; Commercial Academy of Satu Mare; Management Scientific Society of Romania and The National Agency for Equal Opportunities between Women and Men; website: www.antres.ro.
activities are often subject to spatial effects. The existence of different production techniques, cli- mate, topography and soil conditions among the regions may induce significant regional differ- ences. Therefore, if such effects are not treated, any aggregate exploratory analysis or conven- tional econometric models may become biased and inconsistent. According to Quah (1996), the vast majority of convergence studies use regional data and are, therefore, spatial. However, the major part do not take into account possible spa- tial effects, which may invalidate the inferences. In addition, Rey & Montoury (1999) argues that procedures from ESDA and spatial economet- rics enabled more reliable and realistic estimates and inferences by allowing a new perspective on the geographical and spatial dynamics of growth over time between regions. Finally, we investigate the potential causes of productivity behavior and its impact on regionaldevelopment, especially in the economicand social spheres. In addition, we highlight some policies and procedures that can promote productivity improvements, which can serve as guide agricultural policies develop- ment for the coffee sector in Brazil.