The herbalists diagnose the exact cause of the disease by examining the natu- ral factors, i.e. the eyes, skin and tongue colour, and also urine and sputum. Reading of the pulse is also very important. The herbalist would also examine the patient’s behaviour, whether he/she is irritable or calm and composed, etc. All the herbalists also make a detailed note of the symptoms being experi- enced by the patients. Onthe basis of all these, the herbalists identify exactly which organ of the body is affected and for what reason. However, the inten- sity of the disease is established by resorting to a somewhat magical approach. They would root-out a plant to be used for the preparation of medicine for the supposed illness. If it is observed that the root of that plant is healthy and strong, then the intensity of the disease is considered minimal. Otherwise, the illness is believed to be acute. Relying on this test, the herbalists would make decisions with regard to the doses of medicine to be administered, and the length of the treatment period.
Central Park recently celebrated its one hundred and fiftieth year, but its nineteenth-century creators faced plenty of criticism from the city’s real estate leaders who saw no reason to take so much land out of their immensely profitable urban land market. Many skeptics doubted that it could become a successful public place. Some feared it would serve only as a parade ground for the rich horse and buggy set, while others warned that the vulgar behavior of the lower classes would threaten the enjoyment of the park by the privileged classes. Frederick Law Olmsted, the Park’s creator and its first manager, knew he had to have hard facts to allay these fears. He stationed a “park keeper” at every entrance, part of whose job was to monitor public behavior and to compile exact counts of those entering the park during day or night. This is why, until this year, the best observations and counts of public use of Central Park were compiled during the first five years of the park’s existence. That’s how we know that in the first two years of its operations from 1865-1867, Central Park was drawing more than two million annual visits, even though the population center of Manhattan was still below Fourteenth Street and the park landscape was not fully completed.
Last but not least, cultural psychological models of semiotic mediation are important for SRT precisely because they subordinate signification to practical action in the world. The link between action and representation is of utmost concern for scholars working within the SR tradition but there is still progress to be made when it comes to articulating the two. Jodelet’s (1991) celebrated study of madness is often cited as a good example of how representations are closely connected to individual and social practices. This research, focused on how psychiatric patients live together with locals in the small French community of Ainay-le-Château, revealed with striking clarity the ways in which the work of representation is reflected in day to day life and becomes materialised in action and objects aimed at reconstructing, practically and symbolically, the barriers that separate the mad from the sane. A cultural psychological analysis of this situation, grounded in a conception of action as semiotically mediated, would add new conceptual and analytical tools to the interpretation while keeping what people do in focus. If indeed social representations are “systems of values, ideas and practices” (Moscovici, 1973, p. xiii), the nature of their articulation needs to be clarified. Post-Vygotskian approaches argue for the importance of signs and tools (including social representations) for performing action in relation to both self and others. The individual / interpersonal and action focus of these approaches could very well offer new inspiration for further developments of SRT.
(BJARNASON, CHENG and FIELDEN, 2009, p. 22). Their motivation is not primarily a social one, which might raise questions about their real roles as catalysers of transformation in society through the creation of knowledge and forming individuals that are better equipped to deal with a wide range of problems and live in a globalised world. The problem becomes even more evident if we note that in Russia: i. those living in more rural areas and from poorer backgrounds still experience limited access; and ii. women, especially from the working classes and less urbanised areas, end up accessing low ranking institutions. This situation has an impact on class mobility as finding a job, especially a good one, is inevitably linked to attaining degrees from more qualified institutions (cf. COFER et al., 2015, p. 73). One of the problems might be that financial aid to students from less-privileged backgrounds is still in its infancy in Russia. There has been no political or institutional engagement with this question; , in trying to help and support students in need. One of the reasons for this is that it is difficult to verify a student’s income in Russia because of its decentralised tax system; that said, a ‘means tested’ system could be adopted. This means that Russia must seek to implement a Federal system to support minority students and students from poorer backgrounds so that a fairer system to access Higher Education, and consequently effect social mobility and transform society is in place (cf. COFER et al., 2015, p. 72; PROTAPENKO, 2002, cited in HOSSLER, 2007). Such systems have already been implemented in Western democracy and in another BRICS country, namely Brazil, where the federal government has implemented a series of measures through a system of quotas to help minorities to access Higher Education as well as through heavily subsidised financial loans as well as aid.
This methodological logic, however, is not clear-cut when put to test. This is due to the fact that the EU membership versus non-membership distinction has become a continuum rather than a clear-cut dichotomy. Nation-states have different forms of affiliation to the EU as well as different degrees of interaction with different Union bodies (Egeberg and Trondal 1999; Stubb 1996; Trondal 2002b). Due to the EEA agreement(1), Norwegian decision-makers are integral members of the decision- making cycles of the European Commission (Trondal 2001a). Despite having rejected full EU membership, Norway is currently an associate member of the EU through various sectoral treaties and agreements with the Union on areas like in the Justice and Home Affairs, Common Foreign and Security Policy, the Internal Marked and R&E. In the field of R&E the distinction between EU membership and non-membership is fairly ambiguous due to Norway’s participation in EU’s educational and research programmes (Olsen 1998; St.meld. nr. 40 (1993-94)). Consequently, the distinction between insiders and outsiders of the Union have become increasingly blurred (Trondal 2002b). Consequently, the ‘least likely research design’ does not perfectly match the Norwegian case.
Comprehensiveness can be considered as one of the most recurrent themes in the discussions about professional training in health, especially in the medical field. However, even in the face of these move- ments, we can observe confusion about the term, due to its polysemic character. Thus, the purpose of this study is to discuss the meanings of comprehensiveness based on a bibliographical retrieval in the existing literature, provoking epistemological, hermeneutic and practical reflections in the context of health education. It starts from the understanding that wholeness brings with it the perception of the complexity of our objects. Complex objects require plural looks. Dichotomies linked to the modern way of thinking, therefore, must be systematically abandoned. There is talk of Comprehensiveness as an overcoming of classical dichotomies in health. Overcoming dichotomies: 1. Individual and Collective; 2. Health and Disease; 3. Body and Mind; 4. Clinic and Public Health; 5. Theory and Practice. In other words, from the perspective of Comprehensiveness, health is considered as the result of multiple aspects of an individual’s life, and cannot be reduced to mere conceptual dyads, or even cause-and- -effect relationships. This idea is based onthe fact that from wholeness, when one speaks of health, it will never be alienated from the complexity of the life of subjects and their contingencies. Onthe other hand, completeness as the articulation of social and economic public policies based onthe social Deter- mination of the health-disease process in our context, besides being desirable, becomes fundamental. However, it must be recognized that because it is a counter-hegemonic view, it will suffer resistance, and perhaps it is this characteristic that allows the existence of the idea of Comprehensiveness as a utopian practice. Thus, comprehensiveness is expressed as an objective image, and more than that, it presents itself as guiding and guiding action in health, above all, as a continuous process of struggles and searches for transformations of our society.
Onthe following pages, the reader will find sociological reflectionson organized criminality in prisons, focusing onthe actions of the PCC; globalizing political interpretations; the work of the Intelligence, which tries to give a rational statute to traffic combating; and presuppositions of the current National Public Security Policy. In short, they will find hands-on testimonies from police chiefs, lawyers, prosecutors, judges, and Prison Ministry’s agents. Among the witnesses, the voice of a convicted robber (which many will consider odd) will also be present, reflecting upon his own conditions and the blemishes of a prison routine. Also, nothing can be more alive and provocative than thinking about the representation of violence as it is being projected in some stunning national
My father was a warrior, he lived in the time of the wars between the sons of Manukusse, Mawewe and Muzila. He was a partisan of Muzila, having therefore fought at his side, when (…) he invaded Mozambique from South Africa. In these wars, my father killed a woman called Mubukwazi (…). This woman (…) appeared in my father’s body, in the aspect of Xikwenbu (…) she did not come with bad intentions (…) but to turn him into a nyanga, and so it happened. (…) After he got his «doctorate» in traditional medicine in the school of N’wamay’imele, he began practising, but one day, when he entered a trance, his Xikwembu asked for him to be sent by the sea. (…). When he got to the beach, (…) he entered into a trance and stayed close to the sea, waiting for the first big wave, which when it arrived, dragged him into the water; seconds later, he was pushed ashore again by another one. He was soon thrown out of the water by another wave, holding a tinhlolo xikhwama in his hand, as well as many drugs. He gave all this to his sister (…). After this, he went back to the shoreline, where once more he was taken in by the waves, never to be seen again. All the while, people sang, danced and touched the matxomana. This went on for two days and two nights. Since nothing happened, all the family members went back home, to Chibuto (…). When the relatives got home, they did not carry out any death ritual. After two months had gone by, my father returned home, followed by many sick people, some already half healed and others still needing treatment (…). He earned so much money that he married my mother, giving her parents, as a lovolo, his profits as a practitioner of traditional medicine. 3
Moreover, in no European Parliament election has an alternative choice for the management of ongoing policy been presented onthe ballot. Citizens' votes lead to no type of counter-position vis-à-vis the executive program for the main areas of Union intervention. The choice has never been made in an election between the consolidation of the ongoing agricultural policy or its radical transformation; between increased financial support for the needier regions or cutbacks in the policy of social cohesion; between a greater Union role in the wielding of normative powers or a more rigid stance regarding the principle of subsidiarity; between enhancing the Union's role in those bodies more involved in the globalization of the world economy or action shared with the States in this area; between a greater role for the Union in reducing economic discrepancies between States at the international level or curtailing EU support for development.
I both envy and am wary of the more steady certainty offered by other approaches, and resent but also trust the continual uncertainty that goes with existentialism. (1996, p. 154) Do we find any explicit consideration of existential-phenomenological supervision in recent texts? To my surprise the answer would seem to be we do not. While supervision might occasionally be mentioned as a backdrop to clinical work, there is no discussion of the form it might take in Cooper (2003), or in van Deurzen and Arnold-Baker (Eds.) (2005): texts written by and for existential practitioners are largely silent onthe issue. Perhaps all that was needful was said in earlier texts? Leaving aside the absurdity of the notion that it would be possible to ‘fix’ the nature of this aspect of existential work in such a manner, a survey of publications since 1985 yields nothing significant, and I must include my own edited text (du Plock, 1997), in these findings. Even van Deurzen’s extensive account of her work with ‘Laura’ – probably the case study most frequently referred to in UK training programmes – omits mention of supervision. The reader does not know whether there is a supervisor, or whether the work is informed by reflection and self-supervision (van Deurzen, 1997). This situation is surprising since we know that supervision is an established aspect of clinical practice and a requirement in the UK of the United Kingdom Council for Psychotherapy (UKCP) and the British Association for Counselling and Psycho- therapy (BACP). Participation in supervision – often both in clinical placement and training institution – is a core component of existential therapy training. Moreover, graduates of these trainings are frequently required by employing agencies to provide clinical supervision in turn. The question arises: what sort of supervision do these existential practitioners offer?
Abstract This paper shows somereflections based onthe authors’ participation in the AWID (Associ- ation for Women’s Rights in Development) Forum, which took place in Brazil, in September 2016. These reflections provide key issues about princi- ples and controversies in the work of research and activism on/with men and feminisms, based onthe long path of work on masculinities and gender equality of these authors. From the field studies and political interventions on men and masculin- ities that take feminism as a theoretical and ethi- cal-political framework, we discuss the production of masculinities in the feminist social transforma- tion in contexts that are increasingly conservative and marked by male chauvinism and patriarchy. We also discussed how gender hierarchy emerges vigorously in the contemporary Brazilian political context, from the impeachment process of former president Dilma Rousseff to the formulation ofcur- rent education and health policies.
In this instance, therefore, the Court, while considering the rights of the seven petitioners before it, also linked their rights to the collective rights of the people of Sri Lanka including future generations. It further expanded on this argument in its determination as to whether the Petitioners’ rights under Article 12 had been violated. It noted that the proposed agreement was heavily biased in favour of the company concerned and ‘is so framed that it generously strengthens, assists, supports, aids and abets the Company’s designs’, including circumventing the requirement for an environmental impact assessment under the National Environmental Act. 35 The terms of the agreement also enabled the company to avoid the cost of the environmental damage that would inevitably be caused by the proposed project, which cost would be borne by the general community either through reduced environmental quality or increased taxation to finance mitigation measures. Interestingly, the Court held that for these reasons, the proposed agreement seeks to circumvent the law ‘and its implementation is biased in favour of the company as against members of the public, including the Petitioners’ (emphasis added). 36 The Court therefore upheld the Petitioners’ claim that there was an imminent infringement of their fundamental rights under Article 12(1) of the Constitution. The notion that the right to equal treatment and equal protection of the law can be extended to the general public as against the State, an individual, or other entity was reinforced in a case concerning noise pollution. 37 In this case, the failure of a
shows, even someone who claims not to follow a telenovela seems to know a great deal about its plots and characters (lines 11-17). One could assume that Maria do Carmo, just like many others of my informants, associated the practice of watching telenovelas with non-prestigious age, gender, or class. By denying her interest in following the plot of telenovelas, she could be distancing herself from a low-prestige activity supposedly carried on by people who occupy low-prestige positions. 11 One could, onthe other hand, take Maria do Carmo’s comments as evidence of the retrievability of the telenovelas: she does not have to assiduously watch the plot of a telenovela in order to understand what is going on in it. She obtains information about the plots of telenovelas through other texts and contexts, such as magazines, advertisements and casual conversations.
But more must still be added: the absence of basic individual welfare rights and freedoms has, in a fairly short time, consequences on people’s behaviour and their ability to comply with the very restrictions. If at first fear guides obedience, in a handful of weeks other little or big problems pop up, accidents of all sorts may take place -with oftentimes solutions hindered by the lockdown, annoyance and changes of mood start to surface and questioning of some of the risk-averting attitudes starts. The psychological set-up may change, the compromise implied by the precautionary “sacrifices” may be put into question.
celebrated and criticized by society. The corset has been seen as a form to create the 'ideal' hourglass figure both for women and men. It has been extended in use from historical or formal occasions, to everyday use, to the realm of fetish themes. When someone finds another physically attractive, their body will respond with a higher heart rate, as one physiological effect. As a person's heart rate rises, the corset will tighten, automatically ensuring the practice of standing up taller by tightening the stomach and enhancing the chest, and indicating to the wearer, before they are cognitively aware, that they are attracted to someone.
Mozambique went through a very similar experience. Here too the people, espe- cially peasants, were involved in a “participant communication”: they had to unders- tand that the struggle was the only way to obtain freedom; they participated actively in the discussion, transmitting to Frelimo’s leaders a clear idea of what liberation was and needed to be in their rural regions. The peasants and the young people who had received their instruction in the free zones became the new teachers, in a circular process in which it was almost impossible to say who was the teacher and who was the student. In South Africa, during the anti-apartheid struggle, music became a pivotal means of communication between resistances. This particular kind of communication had two tasks: onthe one hand, it induced the struggle, since it was “upbeat and energetic” (Vershbow, 2002: 3); onthe other, it stimulated a sense of community and solidarity, accompanied generally by “a dance consisting of foot stomping and spontaneous chanting” (Idem: 3). Some singers became the symbols of the resistance struggle, such as Vuyisile Mini, with his Ndademnyama we Verwoerd (“Watch Out, Vervoerd”), directed to Hendrik Vervoerd, the Prime Minister of South Africa between 1958 and 1966. So the unification of phatic and conative functions can be encountered in militant music during apartheid. “To strengthen, mobilise, and unify a community”: these were the main tasks of this specific kind of communi- cation in that particular context (Idem: 3). The same concept is stressed by Makky, who argues that, especially after the Sharpeville massacre (1960), music became an important weapon in the fight against apartheid; however, it never failed to perform the function of uniting the resistances “as brothers and sisters on their journey to end apartheid” (Makky, 2007: 10). At this pivotal stage, African communication suffered an important transformation: anchored to the objectives of the movements that fought for liberation, it was impossible to return to the origins. So the phatic function was recuperated, especially in rural areas, but a strong influence of the cona- tive one had already infiltrated the African people. The national struggle movements had to find equilibrium between these two functions of language. It meant balancing the traditional features related to the rebirth of a sense of community and solida- rity, broken during the colonial experience, with the aim of building a new, African nation-state, whose type of communication had to be able to aid a convergence of all people towards development policies. This mixture had many difficulties, provoking a growing misunderstanding between new African elites and lay people.
Returning to the FDI theory which incorporates the strategic management we must underline that, from this perspective, the companies that are active beyond the national borders operate in a way that replaces different functions of the market with internal transactions, intra-firm, every time the cost of the internal transactions is lower that that of the market exchanges. This is the essence of the internalization theory, which was conceptualized by Peter J. Buckley and Mark C. Casson in 1976 in the paper “The Future of Multinational Enterprise”, starting from Hymer’s thesis. The two scholars demonstrate that the MNE organises a set of activities at the internal level, so that it could develop and exploit the FSAs. According to this theory, each type of market imperfection can generate pressures onthe company so that it should internalize. The same idea, that the MNE can replace the market, has been developed by Oliver Williamson in 1975, completely independently from the research activities undertook by Buckley and Casson (Rugman, Verbeke, 2008). In subsequent papers, Buckley and Casson underline that internalization, as general principle that explains the borders of the MNE, starts from the premise of the rational choice. However, the authors emphasize that in spite of the MNE’s objective of profit maximization, the rational behaviour is not “necessarily selfish” (Buckley, Casson, 2009, pp. 1566, 1568).
The first point I would like to make is precisely about the conditions that allowed such productive exchanges between interviewer and interviewees. In the case of the Army Officer Academy, the general who occupied the highest post in the Army’s school system gave me permission to conduct research there. I did not know this person. To reach him, I used a most direct instrument: I wrote him a letter explaining the generalities of my project and stressing its academic nature. Having obtained his permission – a surprisingly easy accomplishment – it was forwarded to the commander of the school, who followed the general’s order, even though in his personal opinion he was against the project.
This proposal only lasted a class and even extended a bit more than provided by the teacher, but it was very profitable, the students proved to be motivated and involved, commenting that liked the proposal and that the activity “was cool,” and even anticipating results. We believe that we provide a good initial contact with the Statistics. Students were encouraged to observe, make hypotheses, raise the data, organize them (treating them) and perform the reading and interpretation, organized in a graph and table. We can consider that the choice of the theme “pets” was also important looking from the interest and “real life”, encouraging students to observe phenomena that occur around (Yokomizo; CONTI; CARVALHO, 2012).
A restrained management is critical to advance the natural succession of a food forest as well as to keep the operational costs within manageable limits. With a view to a smooth succession of the forest system, we plant and welcome pioneering species like poplar, willow, alders, thistles, nettles and sorrel. Common activities in conventional forestry and horticulture like mowing, logging and pruning will therefore be rare in the Food Forest Eemvallei. To prevent high harvesting costs the entrepreneur can always keep in mind the option of not-harvesting, especially of low-priced products that are difficult to harvest. When market prices of fresh produce are low, the food forest entrepreneur can also choose