Top PDF State and society in transnational times

State and society in transnational times

State and society in transnational times

Por sua vez, Márcia Grisotti procura trazer uma contribuição para o debate ao destacar as transformações causadas pela globalização sobre um dos efeitos mais antigos das relações entre[r]

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Rev. katálysis  vol.20 número1

Rev. katálysis vol.20 número1

The themes of civil society and of democracy also relate to the analysis of the actions of social service in the field of social control, whether as an executor of social policies or as one of the new mechanisms for the participation of civil society. The professional actions stand out in councils, conferences, forums, plenary sessions and participatory budgets, as “legitimate spaces for professional intervention”, that are essential to the “strengthening of semi-direct democracy and for the creation of resistances to the dismantling of public policies caused by the neoliberal wave underway in Brazil” (CORREIA; SOUZA; CAVALCANTE, 2002, p. 3). In this line there are studies of current trends towards the mercantilization, privatization and focalization of social policies, in consonance with the project of large capital, and the challenges faced by professional exercise to meet the demands of users and guarantee their rights. In this sense, the articles problematize the administrative processes, the forces present and the way that they influence decision making, given that the instances for social control are spaces charged with disputes, and therefore, facilitate the legitimatization of institutional interests. In the same direction, the articles warn of the obstacles created to the participation of civil society by the state structure by bureaucratization and a weak commitment to processes to democratize actions (CRISTO, 2012). In this analytical line, the productions signal the forms of cooptation of the institutes that organize the subaltern classes, which are needed for the maintenance of the political and ideological direction of the bourgeois class (DELGADO, 2008), synthesizing what Gramsci denominates as transformism. From this process stems a growing “depoliticization and weakening of social control, mainly in small municipalities (...) which suffer interferences of conservative administrators, adept at clientelistic and assistentialist practices” (FAVARO, 2010, p. 7).
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PLANTING TIMES AND SPACING OF CARROT CROPS IN THE SÃO FRANCISCO VALLEY, PERNAMBUCO STATE, BRAZIL

PLANTING TIMES AND SPACING OF CARROT CROPS IN THE SÃO FRANCISCO VALLEY, PERNAMBUCO STATE, BRAZIL

Local climatic conditions during the experiment in the winter (average temperature of 24.1°C, minimum of 18.9°C and maximum of 30.1° C, relative humidity of 65.1% and precipitation of 26.9 mm) compared to summer (average temperature of 27.6°C, minimum of 22.2°C and maximum of 34.0°C, relative humidity of 56.9% and precipitation of 216.5 mm) (Table 1) were essential in reducing the summer crop yield. According to Rubatzky et al. (1999), carrots can grow at temperatures from 4 to 40°C, however, temperatures between 10 and 25°C favor the quality of roots. Temperatures from 18 to 25°C are considered ideal for shoot growth. The highest root growth rates are found at temperatures from 18 to 20°C. Temperatures above 30°C reduces the plant vegetative cycle, affecting the root development and productivity (VIEIRA, PESSOA, 2008). Reductions in productivity may also occur in very low temperature (frost), as well as with excessive precipitation in the crop season (FILGUEIRA, 2008).
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Comparing transnational and local influences on immigrant transnational families of African and Asian origin in Portugal

Comparing transnational and local influences on immigrant transnational families of African and Asian origin in Portugal

Ethnographic research shows that the authority of men over women, as well as parental authority over children, is heavily invested in idioms on the part of both groups. Gender and inter-generational relations within the family are oriented by long-lasting socio-historic dynamics which involve reciprocity and complementarity in terms of expectations and responsibilities (Khanum, 2001). Parents invest work and economic resources in their children, and instil into them the moral responsibility to ensure (in their old age or times of need) economic support, moral respect and emotional care in return. Men have the charge of the material sustenance of their family and the protection of its women. Reproductive work, (pragmatic and affective) care of the husband and other family members, a restrained and modest behaviour, and the relative absence from the public sphere are the main responsibilities attributed to the women. All members of the extended family share the responsibility for the upkeep of the reputation associated to the family name.
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A Brazilian utopia: Getúlio Vargas and welfare state building in a structurally unequal society.

A Brazilian utopia: Getúlio Vargas and welfare state building in a structurally unequal society.

até pelo menos o final da década de 1960 nunca menos de 50% dos tra- balhadores urbanos tinham vínculos empregatícios extrínsecos à le- gislação trabalhista –, o que importa para a discu[r]

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State–society cycles and political pacts in a national–dependent society: Brazil

State–society cycles and political pacts in a national–dependent society: Brazil

Shifting from the society level to the state level, we must take into account a fundamental change. Contrary to what happened during the Independence period, now it was the society that preceded the state. Whereas at the society level nationalist ideas had already been gaining ground since the beginning of the century, the first development-oriented political pact appeared only with the 1930 Revolution: the National –Popular Pact (1930–59) was an authoritarian and industrializing arrangement that might also be called national because it included the bourgeoisie committed to industrialization, and popular because it included the masses. Its chief political player was Getúlio Vargas. Vargas understood both the severity of the global crisis that had begun with the New York stock market crash in 1929 and the window of opportunity that was opening for Brazil. He therefore broke the alliance he had made with the liberals (who represented the coffee and the foreign trade interests) and joined the nationalists, who were increasingly active at the political level, particularly in the tenentismo movement. 8 At the same time, as a populist political leader he sought support from among urban masses for the first time in the country ’s history. Vargas succeeded in bringing together in an informal pact different classes and social sectors: the emerging industrial bourgeoisie, the modern public bureaucracy that was also coming into being, the urban working class, nationalist and left-wing intellectuals, and sectors from the old oligarchy, namely, the import substitution sectors (which did not produce for export), such as the cattle breeders (of whom Vargas was one) from the South and the Northeast. In the opposition were the agricultural-exporting oligarchy and the foreign interests.
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Noble Estate Self-Government in Russia: Between the State and Civil Society

Noble Estate Self-Government in Russia: Between the State and Civil Society

Shcherbatov, 1896 – Shcherbatov M.M. Primechaniya vernogo syna otechestva na dvoryanskie prava na manifest [Notes faithful son of the fatherland in the nobility of the right to manifest] // Sochineniya [Works]. T. 1: Politicheskie sochineniya [Political writings] / pod red. I.P. Khrushcheva. St. Petersburg, 1896, stb. 269 –334 [in Russian].

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Care as sustainability in times of crisis: between welfare-state and interpersonal relationships in Portugal

Care as sustainability in times of crisis: between welfare-state and interpersonal relationships in Portugal

Nevertheless, unveiling the alternative practices that are currently breaking out again, entail a political risk: the one of providing grounds for the ideological and moralizing argument used by defenders of a fierce neo-liberalism; the same that is at the core of many political decisions being taken under the pretext of this crisis. The dangerous idea that state-provided care is not a right, but a favor that is granted to citizens temporarily, since it should rightly be a family duty: according to the current minister of social security (and member of the right-wing Christian Democratic Party), traditional family structures which have been transformed in the process of modernization, should regain their former importance. The debate is thus shifted from the discussion of a civic right to a moral, ideological and political dimension.
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REMHU, Rev. Interdiscip. Mobil. Hum.  vol.21 número41

REMHU, Rev. Interdiscip. Mobil. Hum. vol.21 número41

These actions and advances are achieved through the growth of migrant clubs in the U.S and its formation into federations, Southern California and Illinois are the pioneers and mentors of Texas, Colorado, Northern California and Las Vegas in this endeavor. This structural organization has allowed a participation in a transnational learning process of lobbying on a municipal, state, federal and worldwide level. Starting in the first stages of financing the different 3x1 programs, modifying operation rules, including new areas of financing such as scholarships and productive projects and on a global scale, in many forums over migration and development, in which the southern California and Illinois Federations have debated making proposals over the design of new public policies on migration and development from Brussels in 2006 to the Mauricio Isles in 2012 going through Philippines, Athens and Mexico in previous years.
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State and civil society in times of counter-reform: perverse logic to social policies = Estado e sociedade civil em tempos de contrarreforma: lógica perversa para as políticas sociais

State and civil society in times of counter-reform: perverse logic to social policies = Estado e sociedade civil em tempos de contrarreforma: lógica perversa para as políticas sociais

In this article, priority is placed on the developments of Brazil's “counter-reform” in the current context of social policies, empirically based on health and social welfare policies in the city of Chapecó, located in the western region of Santa Catarina, the scope of which has a major influence over a significant number of cities in the state's interior. The analysis approaches the alterations that have taken place in relation to institutional design, the perspectives of management and the execution of health and social welfare with the participation of civil society, identifying the close relationship to the theoretical, ideological and political concepts within Brazil’s reform project, the Third Way and international organizations. Research was developed through the collection of documental data in municipal management from 1997-2004 and 2005-2010 and interviews with managers, technicians and institutions called “partners”, which are involved in health and social welfare policies. The aim of the paper was to identify the presence of civil society’s participation in the perspective of Brazil “counter-reform”, in other words, resulting from functions being transferred from the State to civil society, including the non- governmental public organizations, foundations and private initiative. The research managed to unravel how, in a municipal sphere, a group of non-profit goods producing and social service organizations, governed under private law, with prominent roles in the execution of public projects and actions and in the scope of superstructure, have been reducing the value of the State before society and overinflating the value of civil society, which has been reduced to a partner and fulltime collaborator of public authority.
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Social Observatory as a new space for civil society and government relationships in Belém, Pará State, brazilian Amazon

Social Observatory as a new space for civil society and government relationships in Belém, Pará State, brazilian Amazon

The SOB is an example of nonstate public space that brings social interaction and civil society and government coproduction. The SOB can be considered as a space that promotes an environment for citizenship and democracy exercising, although much more social participation and engagement should be encouraged. PISCSU research shows that 59,3% of those interviewed believe that popular participation is significant to municipal management improvements, ho- wever only 34,3% of these feel able and available for working voluntarily with these objectives. This is a kind of contradiction once on the one hand, people demand greater social participation in policies that affect their lives; nevertheless, on the other hand there is no voluntary people offering their time to cover this demand.
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Knowledge and society

Knowledge and society

Let us look, for example, at the development models adopted in the Uni- ted States and in Finland. In both cases, we find wide use of information tech- nologies and burgeoning new economic activities supported by investment in innovation and in training human resources. But the understanding of the role of the state and the importance attributed to social cohesion are very dif- ferent. Unlike in California, Finland favours maintaining high levels of taxati- on and a strong welfare state, resulting in high levels of social protection and active defence of the national identity. In other contexts, the differences have to do with the maintenance of certain cultural traits, such as dense networks of sociability and family support characterising societies like those in Catalo- nia, unlike the USA. In other words, while some aspects are regarded as com- mon denominators of the emerging development models - the organisation of economic, scientific or everyday activities around networks of relations- hips based on electronic technologies - others appear as particular appropria- tions or derivations of the culture and history of each region, though this is not necessarily an obstacle to the affirmation of the network society.
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INTRODUCING THE NEW CONFIGURATION BETWEEN STATE, CIVIL SOCIETY AND THE MARKET :: Brapci ::

INTRODUCING THE NEW CONFIGURATION BETWEEN STATE, CIVIL SOCIETY AND THE MARKET :: Brapci ::

contribute under a new logic. It links the commons to a enterpreneurial coalition of ethical market entities (coops and other models) and keeps the surplus value entirely within the sphere of commoners/cooperators instead of leaking out to the multinationals. In other words, through this convergence or rather combination of a commons model for the abundant immaterial resources, and a reciprocity- based model for the ‘scarce’ material resources, the issue of livelihoods and social reproduction would be solved, and surplus value is kept inside the commons sphere itself. It is the cooperatives that would, through their cooperative accumulation, fund the production of immaterial commons, because they would pay and reward the peer producers associated with them. In this way, peer production would move from a proto-mode of production, unable to perpetuate itself on its own outside capitalism, to a autonomous and real mode of production. It creates a counter-economy that can be the basis for reconstituting a ‘counter-hegemony’ with a for-benefit circulation of value, which allied to pro-commons social movements, could be the basis of the political and social transformation of the political economy. Hence we move from a situation in which the communism of capital is dominant, to a situation in which we ha ve a ‘capital for the commons’, increasingly insuring the self-reproduction of the peer production mode.
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as bibliotecas polos do estado do Ceará :: Brapci ::

as bibliotecas polos do estado do Ceará :: Brapci ::

Abstract: It examines the organizational image of the public library starting from the variables proposed by Justo Villafañe, self-image (the image the institution has about itself), intentional image (the image the institution projects to the public) and functional image (technological and commercial structure of the institution). This research is based on the public libraries of the Ceara State, specifically on the pole libraries, which is a decentralization project of the coordination of the Public Libraries State System of the Ceara State- SEBP/CE. It has the goal of identifying the organizational image of the public library in Ceara, revealing its public image in the information society. It has as an assumption the hypothesis that public library must act meaningfully in the information society, however, it built an image of contempt and desertion, supported by the questionings: what is the public library image of Ceara State in the information society? What is the operational change in the image of the public library of Ceara State, starting with the creation of the pole libraries? How do the public libraries of Ceara State see themselves? How do these libraries project themselves to the user community? How these libraries are technologically and commercially structured? In addition, how do they relate to the user community? The conceptual model is based on the Gestalt theories (Psychology) and Institutional (Business Management), to the construction of the organizational field of the public library. The methodology is grounded on the dialectical method and comparative procedure methods -, as from the mimetic isomorphism (structuralist theory) -, and monographic and functionalist method (a public library imagistic representation). The delineation will start from a qualitative-quantitative research in four stages and the collected data measurement will be done via Likert Scale, as from a quantification model adapted from Villafañe and through a content analysis. In this sense, the investigation reveals a negative image of the public library in the information society in Ceara State and that the pole libraries did not represent any organizational change for the SEBP/CE.
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European transnational cooperation in the making

European transnational cooperation in the making

Ultimately, the Atlantic Area is about building trust, addressing shared regional challenges and in- novative approaches, strengthening territorial and sustainable economic development, targeting part- nership projects which will provide joint solutions to shared transnational challenges faced by the eligi- ble area, and disseminating and capitalising results. The latter aspect has been addressed via the organi- sation of seminars and conferences, as well as by forg- ing networking, links and synergies with other pro- grammes. In addition, the benefits to society can be witnessed by the programme contribution to the ap- proval of ‘five patents’ (on the use of marine com- pounds against neurodegenerative diseases) and by the dissemination of concrete policy recommenda- tions and tools: eg the new ICES (International Com- mission for the Exploitation of the Seas); the EC Pro- posal for Risk Assessment of Marine Bio Toxins; the EU Green Paper on Creative Industries and the re- port on ‘Small-scale Coastal Fishing, Artisanal Fish- ing and the Reform of the Common Fisheries Policy’ approved by the European Parliament. The interest in the programme by the stakeholders is quite high. This can be confirmed by the high demand registered in both calls: 425 expressions of interest and 102 full applications in call 1 and 115 full applications in call 2.
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Debunking Interregionalism: Concepts, Types and Critique – With a Pan-Atlantic Focus

Debunking Interregionalism: Concepts, Types and Critique – With a Pan-Atlantic Focus

A related problem is the opportunity cost. Participation in an interregional sum- mit means that leaders and key state officials, as well as civil society delegations, cannot deal with other issues for a few days. With the increasing density of interna- tional forums and commitments, the decision to send top leaders or high-level rep- resentatives to interregional summits is a delicate one, precisely because returns may not be immediately obvious. Other events and activities may in fact gain more political reward or media exposure, and national priorities may just prevail over loose international commitments and lengthy speeches and travels. Only 34 heads of State out of possible 61 made it to the 2013 EU-Latin American and Caribbean summit, which “was met with almost total indifference in Latin America as well as in Europe” (Sberro 2013:1). Conversely a failure or a scandal at the summit may give unwanted media exposure to leaders. The UK delegation considered a success that the same event was not hijacked by radical Latin American leaders and that the Falkland-Malvinas issue was not raised at any stage (FCO 1 2013). But the UK had not sent either the Head of State or Government or the Foreign Minister, which indicates a quite low political interest in the interregional summit. Where a strategic value is clearly detectable participation of leaders is high. This was the case at the 2009 5th Summit of the Americas where President Obama for the first time intro- duced himself to the other leaders of the Americas. These saw the advantage of participation and no country sent representatives of lower status than Head of State or Government. In the absence of clear gains or strategic priorities, interregional summits struggle to attract top participants, who may find other venues and activi- ties more convenient according to political or economic calculation.
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THE ROOTS OF TURKISH CIVIL SOCIETY: THE OTTOMAN PERIOD <br> TÜRK SİVİL TOPLUMUNUN KÖKENLERİ:  OSMANLI DÖNEMİ

THE ROOTS OF TURKISH CIVIL SOCIETY: THE OTTOMAN PERIOD <br> TÜRK SİVİL TOPLUMUNUN KÖKENLERİ: OSMANLI DÖNEMİ

Although they cannot be defined with similar concepts and their effectiveness and autonomy can be questioned, denying their existence or describing them as “primitive” can mislead us about the roots of civil society. Definitions of Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Hegel, Marx, Gramsci and Tocqueville shape the contemporary civil society debate and definitions and civil society organisations emerged in and after 1980s are taken into consideration in civil society debates. Nevertheless, I would like to point out that the development of the contemporary civil society organisations and their functions can be better described by understanding the roots of civil society. Civil society organisations and theories of civil society have not suddenly emerged. With different structures, aims, influence and scope, organised civil life can be found even under authoritarian state structures. To this end, I will examine the civil society elements in the Ottoman Empire. Since it is an empire with a strong central authority of a sultan, existence of civil society in such a state will prove that civil society organisations are not creation of the contemporary world. This will also give me the opportunity of comparing differences and similarities between these organisations and civil society organisations of our age.
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Cad. Saúde Pública  vol.23 número9

Cad. Saúde Pública vol.23 número9

To seriously tackle the abortion phenomenon as a public health issue means to under- stand it as a health care issue and not as a moral offense committed by frivolous women. This political redefinition can draw on some consistent trends in bedside surveys with Bra- zilian women who have undergone abortion, namely that the majority are Catholic, young, poor, and already have children. Interestingly, this description fits not only women who have abortions, but also Brazilian women as a whole. Therefore, understanding abortion as a public health issue in a secular state and pluralist society represents a new argumenta- tive approach, in which the field of public health can provide important evidence for the debate.
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J. bras. pneumol.  vol.42 número2

J. bras. pneumol. vol.42 número2

The professionals working in civil society organizations, medical societies, the legislature, universities, and city/ state administration who met in Belo Horizonte draw attention to the lack of articulation among the current public policies aimed at CRDs and demand that public health managers urgently adopt integrating strategies that are based on existing experiences—the focus of the event held on that date—and, at the same time, make themselves available to city, state, and federal health authorities to develop and implement a comprehensive line of care for treatment of CRDs. That line of treatment should be given the same priority as that now given to other diseases of equal epidemiological importance that affect the Brazilian population.
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Prison system: an approach to infrastructure, rebellions and crisis management in Brazil

Prison system: an approach to infrastructure, rebellions and crisis management in Brazil

ABSTRACT - This work aims to show the historical synopsis of the sentence, as well as its theories, as a purpose, regarding the prison and the reality of the Brazilian prison system. For this, the empirical and deductive approach methods, monographic procedure method and bibliographic, academic and documentary research were adopted. The situation of Brazilian prisons is critical, as it is marked by overcrowding and constant violations of human rights, as well as the lack of minimum conditions for serving the sentence in a dignified manner, where the process of re-socialization of the prisoner does not exist, and the rates recidivism are alarming, characterizing a deep bankruptcy of the prison and penal system, where the results are the increasing increase in violence, crime and the feeling of insecurity experienced by the whole society. Even though society has evolved a lot, social problems are still present. Most Criminal Organizations are installed on the outskirts of the city, where humble people and very low quality of life are found. Places like these are in need of state aid, which also happens to the rest of the population without any discrimination. Otherwise, these criminal organizations or factions are installed within the prison system, promoting riots and rebellions, turning into major crises that must be managed by the prison system. The study of Crisis Management, as in any other branch of scientific knowledge, there is a need to establish certain basic principles and definitions for greater doctrinal uniformity.
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