and mayors, the largest Brazilian political party suffered resounding defeats in the 1989 and 1994 elections. The defeat in the first election with Ulysses Guimarães could be credited to the absence of a platform to separate it from the discredited Sarney administration and could present something new to the country; five years later, Orestes Quércia would find his own candidacy to be left to its own devices while at the regional level, his party supported the PSBD candidate, Fernando Henrique Cardoso. In summary, the absence of leaders with the potential to entrench themselves in the various regional currents of thepartyand to qualify such interests as a national strategy would be characteristic of the inability to formulate and to unify around a national political platform, something evident since the formation of the Constituent Assembly. Since then, it was apparent to the leadership that the best way to exploit the party's potential was not to be observed in the launching of their own candidate in presidential elections —an option that would demand an unavailable degree of coordination and centralization —but rather in state disputes, a path that would guarantee strong representation in the National Congress and, consequently, ascendance to the President of the Republic. The trajectory of the former Liberal Front Party (PFL), now called Democratas (DEM) is also emblematic of parties that have resigned to contest for the presidency. The second largest party of the country in 1989, its candidate won only 0.9% of votes in the presidential election of that year, and since then, it has supported the PSDB candidate. However, in 2002, another alternative appeared. After electing seven governors in 1998, the largest number of members of the Chamber of Deputies andthe second largest of the Senate, theparty was at the peak of its trajectory. Politically cohesive and possessing a defined political perspective, theparty took advantage of certain conditions to launch its own candidate and to be a part of the competition to succeed FHC as the "major partner" of the center-right coalition. The strategy did not move forward because its candidacy was torpedoed in the beginning of 2002 in an obscure operation by the Federal Police (MEIRA, 2013). From that time on, theparty, in opposition to PT administrations, lost competitiveness and definitely did not possess the potential to singularly run for the presidency any longer.
No progress was made for almost six months, as the Ma administration showed no interest in compromise, andthe DPP showed no interest in moving forward in the Legislative Yuan’s consideration of the SSSTA. Then a volcano erupted in mid-March 2014. On March 17th, a Joint Committee Review Meeting on the CSSTA in the Legislative Yuan ended in chaos. Lawmakers from the DPP and Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) seized the podium and prevented the KMT’s Chang Ching- chung from presiding. Three hours of slogan chanting and confrontation ensued. Finally, Chang declared that the meeting was over and that the review period was complete, clearing the way for a vote on the trade pact and leading the DPP to protest vociferously that this move violated the cross-party consensus on reviewing the CSSTA item-by- item. The next day, protests commenced outside the Legislative Yuan, and in the evening, students accompanied by some DPP legislators entered and occupied the Legislative Yuan, thereby setting off the Sunflower Movement (Fan, 2014; Hsieh, 2015; Smith, 2015; Smith and Yu, 2014; Wang, 2014a).
The ‘two-tier’ structure of European-level party organisations stirred heated debates among researchers focusing on the particularities of the EU partysystem 1 . The problem is that Europarties do not openly compete with each other during EP elections. Some researchers stress the lack of a cohe- sive system of European-level party representation due to the limits to citi- zens’ participation in EP elections imposed by national borders . Voters elect national rather than European-level parties, although the latter run mas- sive European campaigns. Moreover, Europarties compete with each other through the mediation of national parties for seats in the European Parlia- ment, which affects the balance of forces after the formation of political groups. Creating political groups, Europarties compete in the European Par- liament for the influence on Union-level decision-making .
and PSOE in Spain and PSD and PS in Portugal. However, the tendency to the end of bipartisanship is substantially identified on the Iberian Peninsula with the appearance of new parties, the strengthening of smaller parties and a strong substantially of citizens' movements. Therefore, we consider that the comparison between the campaigns for the European elections on Twitter by candidates from Portugal and Spain is a contribution to analyze the online political strategies in both countries and its repercussions. We also emphasize that this study is developed in a specific moment where the internal politics of each country are facing similar changes. Our main hypothesis is exploring the idea that political candidates still do not reach the microblogging to become a real influential or opinion leader in the Twittersphera. Other actors like ordinary citizens, journalists and political activist are more prominent and active in Twitter to lead the public discussion, even during electoral times. This hypothesis comes from studies that are underlining the role of Twitter as venue for politicians to connect with journalists and politically engaged citizens (Grant et al., 2010). It is important to study politicians as influential for a better understanding of the nature of diffusion of political issues on Twitter (Dang-Xuan et al., 2013). The sample of this paper has been the main candidates of each political party running for EU 2014Elections. The Spanish sample is made with the Twitter accounts of the five main candidates who obtained representation in the last European elections (May 25, 2014). They were Arias Cañete (PP, @Canete2014_), Elena Valenciano (PSOE, @ElenaValenciano), Willy Meyer (IU, @WillyMeyerIU), Pablo Iglesias (Podemos, @Pablo_Iglesias_) and Ramón Tremosa (CIU, @ramontremosa). The Portuguese sample consists of four Twitter accounts of the five parties that were elected to represent Portugal at the European Parliament in the last European elections. The Twitter accounts are from Carlos Zorrinho (PS – left wing party, @czorrinho – the 3 rd on theparty list of
This thesis consists of 3 articles. In the first article I investigate the credit behavior of Brazilian banks in the period of 2003 to 2013. I examine if politics play a relevant role in public credit allocation and if this allocation affects government-owned banks profits. The results reveal that politics influence public credit allocation. The higher the percentage of votes the government party receives in a city, the higher the increment in credit supply of government-owned banks in this city. The opposite occurs when I analyze the credit supply of private banks. I also find a significant and positive relationship between ROA andthe raise of credit supply. However, increases in credit supply causes lower increases in the ROA of state-owned banks than in the ROA of private banks. In the second article I investigate the effects of public credit on the development and growth of Brazilian cities after 2008 crisis. The results show that public credit influence the development of Brazilian cities. Cities in which public loans volume is higher than private loans volume show a greater evolution in both FDI and HDI in the post-crisis period. However, the increase in the market share of state-owned banks in the credit market is harmful to this development. The evolution of both FDI and HDI is worse in cities that become more dependent of public credit after 2008 crisis. These results also apply to Brazilian macro and micro regions. On the other hand,I can not find a significant relationship between public credit and per capita GDP in Brazilian cities. Only in Brazilian macro and micro regions we observe a positive effect of increases in the market share of public credit on per capita GDP. In the third article I investigate the use of Bolsa Família, a Brazilian social program designed to reduce poverty and social inequalities, for electoral purposes. The results show that cities that elect a candidate from government party in 2012 mayoral elections where previous mayor is not affiliated to this party receive more benefits than cities that do not elect government party candidates. Similarly, cities with higher percentage of votes in favor of government party in 2006 presidential elections receive more benefits than cities with lower percentage. I also observe this result in 2010 presidential elections in Midwest and Northeast regions. The results also show that Firjan Development Indexes (FDI and FDI-I) seem to be more relevant to explain Bolsa Família benefits distribution than per capita GDP. However, these variables are not even statistically significant in many cases. It strengthens our findings of manipulation in benefits distribution.
This statement clearly highlights that there is a controversial point of intersection between the so-called political world andthe financial sector. Within a newspaper article of the Wall Street Journal, Jelmayer and Magalhaes (2014) state that the report in question, responsible for the expulsion of several employees, was concerned with a warning of wealthy clients to prepare for the outcome of the (back then) ‘upcoming’ Brazilianelections. It was stated that when the incumbent president Rousseff was re- elected the overall stock market might suffer. This notion is based on the fact that “Brazil's stock market has rallied repeatedly in recent weeks upon the release of a respected public-opinion poll showing Ms. Rousseff's lead slipping” (Jelmayer & Magalhaes, 2014, p.1). The incident received public and political attention, cumulating in former President Lula da Silva’s rather harsh statement: “This girl doesn’t understand squat about Brazil […] they should fire her and give me her Bonus. There’s no place in the world where Santander earns more money than in Brazil” (Margolis, 2014, p.1) 1 . Santander apologised publicly to Rousseff and laid of the analysts in question; roughly one year later, one of the fired analysts, Sinara Polycarpo, judicially obtained 450 R$ 2 as an indemnity for moral damages (Globo G1, 2015). These events clearly highlight that the interplay between political and financial systems is contentious, and to gain an
We used four datasets of the PIREDEU project (www.piredeu.eu) for this analysis: the Voter Survey Data (EES, 2009a), the Candidate Survey Data (EES, 2009b), the Manifesto Study Data (EES, 2009c), andthe Contextual Data (EES, 2009d). These studies include the 27 EU member states and were carried out in 2009. The first survey is based on a representative sample of voters, andthe second includes the whole universe of MP candidates to the 2009 election to the European Parliament. The study of manifestoes was supported by a content analysis of theparty programs issued for the 2009 European election. 3 Finally, the Contextual Data contains information about political parties which stood for the 2009 European Parliamentary elections, and offers a set of party, partysystemand institutional variables (for an explanation of the methodology of this dataset see Czesnik et al., 2010). 4 It is unusual to find such a broad set of variables covering different levels of analysis to carry out this kind of comparative analysis. Indeed, the possibility of using such a large sample of parties (189) is a unique opportunity.
In the first round of the2014 presidential elections, 14 candidates joined the fight, 10 being proposed by political parties or alliances. Thus, the candidates were as follows (in the order of their registration): Victor-Viorel Ponta, the Social Democratic Party-the National Union for Romania-Conservative Parties Electoral Alliance; Klaus-Werner Iohannis, the Christian Liberal Alliance; Honor Kelemen, Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania; Elena-Gabriela Udrea, the Popular Movement Party; William-Gabriel Brînză, the Romanian Ecologist Party; Constantin Rotaru, the Socialist Alternative Party; Corneliu Vadim-Tudor, Greater Romanian Party; Cristian- Dan Diaconescu, the People's - Dan Diaconescu Party; Zsolt Szilágy, the Hungarian People's Party of Transylvania, and Mirel-Mircea Amariţei, PRODEMO Party, plus a host of independent candidates (Monica-Luisa Macovei, Călin-Constantin-Anton Popescu Tăriceanu, Gheorghe Funar and Teodor-Viorel Mele şcanu), candidatures backed by at least 200 000 people.
This article analyzes theBrazilian political system from the local perspective. Following Cox (1997), we review the problems with electoral coordination that emerge from a given institutional framework. Due to the characteristics of theBrazilian Federal systemand its electoral rules, linkage between the three levels of government is not guaranteed a priori, but demands a coordinating effort by the parties’ leadership. According to our hypothesis, the parties are capable of coordinating their election strategies at different levels in thepartysystem. Regression models based on two-stage least squares (2SLS) and TOBIT, analyzing a panel of Brazilian municipalities with data from the 1994 and 2000 elections, show that the proportion of votes received by a party in a given election correlates closely with its previous votes in majoritarian elections. Despite institutional incentives, theBrazilianpartysystem shows evidence that it is organized nationally to the extent that it links the competition for votes at the three levels of government (National, State, and Municipal).
)n the context of the cohesion policy, solidarity must represent a support for development . For that purpose, solidarity can be seen as a help for self‐help and its success depends a great deal on the capacity andthe training of the people to whom the support of making maximum profit out of these addresses to. This support does not mean exclusively financial support, although it is necessary and important but, of all things, it means an exchange of experiences and cooperation, the development of capacity through training, open discussions with the interested factors and last but not least a critic, but a constructive dialogue between the various levels of government: European, national, regional, local. )n other words, a functional labor market should represent a catalyst for the general objective of the European Union – social and economical cohesion – because it has in view the connections with the different markets of the services and of the goods and generates the necessary income for supporting the participation of the individuals, bringing them together, placing them in collaborations. )n this context, the starting points for promoting the inclusion through the activities of social economy have in view: adapting the institutional environment, developing the public‐private partnership, developing the social dialogue between players, investments in the human capital and supporting the exchange of good practices within the European Union.
and grey eutectics are equal. It can be thought that thesystem will try to choose the eutectic which has - the minimum undercooling (or the maximum growth rate), i.e. grey as long as the growth rate is less than V c and white for faster velocities. In
time. However, they find no evidence that inter-regional migration responded to these trade-induced local shocks. The absence of substantial effects on migration in this and similar contexts from other developing countries has led some to question whether the documented labor market responses indeed represented real welfare losses (see, for exam- ple, Monte, 2015). According to this view, rather than reflecting mobility barriers, the absence of migration could be interpreted as indicating that prices of non-tradables (e.g. real estate) were also reduced in equilibrium so that regional real incomes were unaffected by the tariff changes. This would mean that regions experiencing relatively larger exposure to foreign competition and worse labor market performance would also have experienced relative reductions in the prices of non-tradables that would have compensated for the lower earnings. As a consequence, migration decisions would be unaffected by the relative change in tariffs. Dix-Carneiro and Kovak (2015b) argue that, even though they cannot observe the response of local prices to the regional change in tariffs, welfare must have been differentially affected by trade liberalization, since many real outcomes – such as employment rates, informality, andthe duration of non-formal spells – did respond to the local shocks. We add crime to the list of real outcomes that were affected by the trade liberalization episode, giving support to the argument that the costs and benefits of the reform were unevenly distributed across the country. This evidence speaks directly to the ongoing debate in the literature on adjustment costs from trade reforms (Dix-Carneiro, 2014; Autor et al., 2014; Utar, 2015).
Machine and tools elements made of the steel C90 and HS 6-5-2 immediately after the conventional hardening, need the tempering process. During the tempering, there is a transforma- tion of retained austenite into martensite and carbides release in martensite, what leads to the increase hardness of the high-speed steel, whereas in non-alloy steels tempering cause decrease the hardness.
Firms need to attract attention to their products and services. This could prove to be quite a task for the typical Nigeria firm, with a practically unknown brand name and weak advertising dollars. Goldstein and O’Connor (2001) state that “even the best e-marketing strategy does not substitute for traditional media. Indeed, such advertising is normally viewed as an unavoidable sunk cost to establish brand name recognition.” Small firms by themselves will be unable to afford the advertising sunk cost that is necessary for effective market penetration. By engaging in a cooperative effort in marketing, using a Web portal and sharing advertising cost, firms may better penetrate the on-line market. Nigeria government needs to encourage and recognize innovative applications of ICTs and help in instituting mechanisms to spread best practices. Government should create a national demonstration and help desks to assist SMEs in ICTs choice, implementation and maintenance. If possible, provide motivation to encourage SMEs’ use of ICTs through various mechanisms, facilitate, support and encourage e-commerce applications through establishing appropriate frameworks, removing hurdles and leading by example. There is need for education and training. Education institutions in Nigeria should Institute compulsory courses in information and communications technology as early as possible into the curriculum. They should also encourage local hardware shops to collect- refurbish and roll-out computers that are gathering dust in most offices to high schools and elementary schools, at least where there is electricity, so that students will get exposure at an early age.Education administrators must ensure that tertiary education curriculum reflects changes in the global environment, expand tertiary level information and communications technology education, establish specialized institutions (like the Egyptian Information technology and South African software development institute) to prepare young cadres for the information economy in collaboration with the local private sector and other international institutions.In addition, they should also encourage, recognize, accredit and certify private institutions involved in high level ICTs training, set requirements and (social) obligations for organizations to provide ICTs skills to their staff and provide incentive and motivation.
As we know that to find the area of sector the angle made by the chord (that is chord which divides the circle) is required. But in the below method we find the ratio of the segments of the circle. Thus by relating the area of segment to the area of sector the area of sector could be found. The ratio of area of segments is related to tangents that are drawn through diameter on either side.
Based on the objectives to be achieved and problems that have been formulated, the method used is juridical- sociological. The juridical approach is intended to explore and study the legislation as a basis for a research, while the sociological approach is intended to explore the factors and impacts incurred from the occurrence of border-area dispute and solution by the government. The specifications of this research are normative law called also as doctrinal research. A site was chosen by researcher to conduct a research is a government agency that includes the Navy (Department of Hydro-Oceanographic) related to the sea boundaries of the Republic of Indonesia and neighboring countries, local governments, especially in the leading islands border to the Republic of Indonesia related to culture, security, politics and thinking about the area/island they occupy, as a part of the Unitary of the Republic of Indonesia. The population is all research objects to be researched. In this research, the population is Navy andthe relevant agencies involved in the security of sea area. The samples were chosen to be a material of research is the bearer of the security function in marine areas through the random systemand interviews with relevant parties, such as Bakorkamla and community.
Currently, a Senator works in parliament only 40% of the time; 7% of the time he or she is traveling from one place to another and 53% of the time is spent outside the Senate, in the State he or she represents or somewhere else. This destroys the parliamentary activity; it at least leaves it moribund. For the exercise of his or her activities to bring the expected results, it is necessary that the parliamentarian remain in the Senate, working on parliamentary issues with his or her peers. To do so, the Senate must determine a minimum of three weeks per month with ordinary sessions, without an option for absences, and only one week per month free to attend their electoral bases. This change in the calendar would radically alter the behavior andthe results of the work of the Senate.