Military control of plantations and peasants’ discontent

6.3. The control of plantations during the Indonesian occupation and the patterns of

Indonesians who worked for the new rulers in Dili. The coffee business has been monopolized by ‘PT. Denok Hernandes Indonesia’ a company supported by the army since the beginning of the Indonesian occupation. This monopoly has reduced the income of coffee farmers, except for the old and new plantation owners (Aditjondro, ibid).

According to several informants, after the political turmoil in 1975, foreign plantation owners during the Portuguese colonial period fled to their country, but some of them handed over power of attorney to members of the Indonesian military to regain control of the plantations (JAT, LSB and BS). Meanwhile, the Chinese-owned plantations in Railako remained controlled by their owners with the support of the Indonesian military (AdC).

From 1976 to 1984 the Aifu plantation in Lequisi was abandoned by Babo and then controlled by the local community. But in 1985, a member of the Indonesian military named Tadoe came from Atambua, Indonesia, bringing the power of attorney he had obtained from Babo and based on that power of attorney he later expelled the peasants from the Aipu plantation (JAT).

“On 26 July 1976, Babo gave Tadoe a power of attorney to manage their plantation in Aifu, Lequesi.

Armed with this power of attorney, Tadoe, who was then a member of the Indonesian military, came in 1985 to claim the plantations and expel the peasants from the plantations. Since then, the Aipu plantation has been under Tadoe's control. Then during the 1999 crisis, Tadoe fled to Atambua and handed over responsibility for managing the plantation to Germenino, who was then the village head in Lekesi. Germenino controlled the plantation until 2000. In the same year a conflict arose between Germenino and the peasants in Lekesi, which forced him to leave the plantation to the peasants until now.” (JAT).

The Ramelihu and Dadesan plantations located in the village of Ponilala, which had been occupied by the peasants since the beginning of the Indonesian occupation, were also seized and controlled by the Indonesian military from 1986 to 1997. Relying on plantation documents obtained by the Indonesian military from a village head named Joaquim, the Indonesian military dominated the plantations and subsequently restricted the access of the peasants to the plantations (BS).

Meanwhile, the Hatugu plantation in Gegemara, was controlled by someone who had received a power of attorney from the plantation owner during the colonial period. However, in its development he worked closely with the Indonesian military to dispel peasant protests that began in 1996 to claim ownership rights to the land (LS).

The repressive approach of the Indonesian military in handling cases related to the peasant movement in demanding their rights was widespread in Ermera. According to LP, the Lipelhei plantation in Indonesian times was under the control of the Ermera Plantation

Service, but in 1998 several youths broke into the plantation to steal coffee. Their actions were later discovered by the military apparatus and they were arrested, tortured and imprisoned without any legal process. After being released, they continued their action by organizing local farmers to occupy plantations in Lipelhei until now.

The strong military repression during the Indonesian occupation made the peasants in some areas not dare to make a movement to reclaim property rights to their ancestral lands that had been unfairly occupied during the colonial period for business purposes. The plantations controlled by Chinese traders in Railako village were never claimed by local indigenous farmers from colonial times until the end of the Indonesian occupation in 1999, because the plantation owners had worked closely with the military apparatus to defend their plantations.

According to AdC, during the long period of foreign rule, the expropriation of indigenous peoples' lands by outsiders were never brought to court by the indigenous people in Railako because they did not have access to legal documents from the government related to the ownership of their ancestral lands. Thus, foreign control of the people's lands just happened without open resistance from the peasants until after the restoration of independence.

According to JAT, the Indonesian military at that time dominated almost all aspects of people's lives, ranging from monopoly on the economy, politics, and the legal system. So, during the Indonesian occupation the peasants were still being oppressed and exploited. The peasants were forced to sell their coffee only to PT. Denok or to KUD (Koperasi Unit Desa/Village Unit Cooperative), which buy their coffee at very low prices (ASdS).

“KUD means "Koperasi Unit Desa”. This was an institution that had been created by the government to facilitate the business interests of several high-ranking Indonesian military officers who at that time worked with the government as well as Chinese traders to exploit the indigenous peasants. KUD was not a cooperative institution built by rural peasants. The rural peasants did not feel they belonged. This institution was full of corruption committed by its administrators, so at that time many people said that

“KUD” as an abbreviation of “Ketua Untung Duluan" (the leader who benefits first), meaning that KUD only benefited the elite both at the lower and upper levels.” (AlGMs).

KUD does not actually benefit peasant coffee producers, but is an institution established for the business interests of the political and economic elites, which is facilitated by the government with strong support from the military (AlGMs and JAT).

The occupation carried out by Indonesia, both politically and economically, has resulted in the control of most of the natural resources by Indonesian elite leaders

(Aditjondro, 2000:179) continuing, the inequality of land ownership as happened during the Portuguese colonial period. "After the Indonesian military succeeded in controlling Timor they then took over and monopolized state and private plantations in Ermera which were abandoned by their owners for private business purposes and made the majority of the local population suffer." (ASdS).

According to Fitzpatrick (2002), in the early years of Indonesia's occupation, much of the vacuum in land administration was taken up by the Indonesian military under the notorious SKEP 40 decree (Surat Keputusan Panglima) issued by the military commander in East Timor. This decree allowed the military to make temporary allocations of public and abandoned properties. It is a crucial element of Indonesian dispossession in East Timor. Under this decree, all abandoned and former Portuguese government land was brought under the control of the Indonesian army. Properties falling into the abandoned category included all land left vacant in the wholescale flight and displacement after Indonesia's invasion.

Since then, the Indonesian occupation government changed Portuguese land titling and continued to push for privatization through a number of land certification programs which also gave Indonesians the opportunity to have access to land ownership in Timor.

According to Fitzpatrick (2002: 94) most of the land titles issued during the Indonesian occupation were allegedly tainted by corruption.

The control of colonial plantations by the military has made most of the peasants afraid to question the status of property rights on their ancestral lands. "The main obstacle for the struggle of the peasants in demanding their rights was the Indonesian military."

(AlGMs).

After taking over colonial plantations, the Indonesian military monopolized the coffee trade in Timor in cooperation with Chinese traders, but the peasants did not dare to protest because their movements were always monitored by the military who had been stationed in every village (AdS, DmN, JAT, ASdS and JS).

Although military repression made the peasants not dare to protest openly, but they always tried in various ways to find alternative solutions, even though they realized it was dangerous.

“Some farmers at that time had tried to secretly sell directly to other buyers who wanted to buy their coffee at a reasonable price, but this option was high risk, because if discovered by the Indonesian military, the farmers would be punished and tortured. In each village there is a member of the Police (called Bimpolda) and a soldier (called Babinsa) who are tasked with monitoring the movements of the

villagers, which makes most of the peasants afraid to seek alternative solutions to their economic problems.” (JAT).

Thus, the complaints of rural communities regarding their economic problems during the Indonesian occupation were actually caused by the military and private monopolies which reduced the level of public trust in the occupation government.

“When Tadoe came to claim the Aifu plantation, several elders in this village explained to him that the plantation was built on our ancestral land which was seized by Babo. The farmers have shown evidence such as the existence of sacred springs and other sacred places, but Tadoe refused and relying solely on the power of attorney he brought, he forced the farmers to leave the plantation. Tadoe then took control of the plantation and because he was a member of the TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia/Indonesian National Army), the farmers were afraid to confront him” (JAT).

As was the case during the Portuguese colonial period, the control of plantations by the Indonesian military rested on rationalization based on legal instruments and the recognition of official documents. They completely ignored the historical and socio-cultural context behind the people's land use.

“Although the peasants had claimed that colonial plantations were built on customary lands seized by foreigners, the Indonesian army did not accept it. According to them, the claim of the peasants, which was based on their local culture and belief, was not valid evidence according to their law. For this reason, foreign occupation of indigenous lands continues and the peasants continue to be exploited.

That's what made the peasants angry and then together with other elements of society they fought against the Indonesian occupation government under the organization of the national liberation movement by Fretilin from 1975-1999.” (JAT).

FRETILIN's national resistance, which was initiated in 1975, rested on concerns about injustice and exploitation which were deeply rooted in unequal social structures. The indigenous people rose to fight together against the Indonesian military. The resistance became widespread when rural peasants in various regions were also organized to actively support the struggle for independence through their involvement in the existing network of clandestine movements.

Several informants, especially the youth who organized the peasant movement in Ermera, began to be involved in clandestine networks against the Indonesian occupation because of the injustices they experienced.

“I started getting involved in the clandestine movement against Indonesia when I was in high school.

At that time, I began to think that our ancestral lands that had been controlled by foreigners should be liberated. This can only happen if the foreign occupation of this country is to end. That's why we joined Fretilin to fight for the independence of this country, so that the people can be free.” (ASdS).

Apart from ASdS, there were also other UNAER figures, such as AlGMs, JAT, LS and LP, who at that time together with the youth in their respective villages were also actively

the Indonesian occupation. From the perspective of the peasants, fighting for independence also means fighting for the liberation of peasants from oppression, exploitation and foreign domination.

Based on this view, they protested in their own way, against the coercive efforts of the occupying government which continuously pushed for the privatization of their collective livelihoods as well as of their ancestral lands (ASdS, JAT, MT and JenS).

Several youth activists, such as JAT, LP and LS together with their other friends, were arrested and tortured by the military and sent to prison for their attempts to organize the peasants in their respective villages to occupy plantations. Despite being tortured by the Indonesian military, after being released, these youths continued to mobilize the peasants to openly occupy plantations to claim ownership rights to their ancestral lands seized during Portuguese colonial rule.

During the Indonesian occupation, the military's influence in the socio-economic and political life of East Timor was very large, imposing their political interests in their attempt to integrate East Timor into Indonesia. This political rationale made the military control and dominate the natural resources and wealth of the people in East Timor and silence the resistance from the people against their behaviour. This kind of coercion made the majority of the Timorese feel that the presence of the Indonesian occupying government would not break the chain of oppression and exploitation that had bound them during the hundreds of years of Portuguese colonial rule in Timor.

The people did not dare to demand their rights which have been taken away, because every demand for the rights of the people is always responded to with a repressive military response. The authoritarian regime of Suharto has been proven to have castrated the political potential of the people in East Timor.

In these repressive conditions and political confinement, the people then manifested their dissatisfaction by widely supporting the people's liberation movement through a network of clandestine movements that had been built throughout the region, both in East Timor and in several regions in Indonesia.

This clandestine movement became an important catalyst for the success of the independence movement on the guerrilla front as well as on the diplomatic front. The people's struggle for independence from Indonesia on these three fronts is also supported by

international solidarity, through pro-democracy organizations that also fight for changes in unfair social structures and systems.

The great support of the peasants in the struggle for East Timor's independence rests on the strong hope that after independence, the new state will implement a pro-peasant political policy, as stated in the FRETILIN’s manual and political program in 1975. In this context, the participation of the UNAER and MPRA-L peasants in the struggle for independence, were also motivated by a strong desire to fight for social justice. Inspired by the idea of FRETILIN's 1975 national liberation, the independence of East Timor was also understood as a golden bridge to the people's liberation.