As a result, there is no black and white archival photograph of the papyrus in the Oxford Papyrus Rooms to confirm the reading. An unpublished document in the Oxyrhynchus collection confirms that this settlement was a center of prostasia. 5, cited in the Namenbuch, became the starting point for several errors by text editors who were confronted with the problematic passage.
In BGU VII 1678.7 it is the result of a misdivision of words by the editor, who reads διʼ Ἀμάρων[ο]ς̣ instead of διὰ Μάρων[ο]ς̣, with the name Maron common to the Arsinoites. 20 of the same text should read Κιαλης: the iota is written in one stroke with the preceding letter and therefore represents a small hook at the top. The name Παχνουθιος in the Onomasticon is based on an error in the index of SB V 7531.
Although Foraboschi correctly reads the name in the dative as Παταρυτι, he indexes it under the lemma Παταρεύς (P.Mil.Vogl. Παταρωτ, which occurs several times in the Petaus archive of the Fayum archive, from the other side of the Fayum- archive occurs, (P.Mil.Vogl. undoubtedly a variant with the same name, whose etymology remains unknown. Moreover, the name Semthopmois, "Semtheus the lion", appears in the Herakleopolite nome (P.Teb.. LVIII 3928.4 with the variant form Σεφθομις) attests.
9, 10, 11 and 13 should in any case be read as πυρῶν in the plural, as is common in Ptolemaic texts and the high-rise buildings typical of the period7.
787. PSI VII 771
2, qu'il est tentant de résoudre μεγαλοπ(ρεπείας) et de rattacher à ὑ̣[μετέρας, ce qui permettra d'évaluer au moins l'écart l. On comprendra "Phoibammon, le loyal (militaire) qui est tombé sous le coup de l'outrage de ta (gloire ?) grandeur. En son temps (1925), l'éditeur propose dans ses notes des restitutions crédibles24, qu'il aurait pu incorporer directement dans son texte.
Il s'agit de l'enregistrement d'une vente, probablement d'une maison, faite par un citoyen de Bostra (l. 2). 1 : à en juger par l'usage oxyrhynchique du temps, il n'est pas nécessaire de supposer une perte après τὸ β (ie mois et lieu). Je pense qu'on peut remplacer ἀ̣π̣ὸ̣32 [ο]ὐ̣ιξιλλατίωνος (il y a un tréma sur le premier ι, ce qui facilite l'identification du signe).
La lacune de droite contenait sans doute des désignations supplémentaires de l'acquéreur, Dionysius alias Sophia, ainsi que le patronyme et surtout l'origo. Si le scribe s'était contenté de ἀπὸ Βόστρων Ἀραβίας, il y aurait eu un risque de confusion pour le lecteur avec les autres Arabies de l'époque (c'est-à-dire l'Arabie égyptienne, l'Arabie abandonnée, l'Arabie heureuse). Dans les années 370, il y a une autre date très précoce pour le consul éponyme de l'année, P.Vind.Sijp.
A narrow strip is missing from the left,” wrote the editor, but underestimating the width of this lost strip by 4-5 letters, to compare with ll. 5, and there is a trace on the edge of the break; could it be that the loophole has taken away the name of the creditor's father. 7, the name of the village need not be as short as thought (7 AD); the letter after the break is γ, and the names of several villages of the 3rd pagus could fit in the break; see one.
11, for 𐅵 η´ we must read the symbol for 2/3, which further suggests another supplement for the lost part of the rule. One of the tax payers in this fourth-century version of the vestis militaris was read as κλ(ηρονόμοι) Ἀλυπιος (iv.6). This is a letter addressed to Georgios, a senior functionary of the estate of Apion III, who is the usual addressee in the 'Victor-George' correspondence; the time is the second decade of the seventh century.
796. PSI I 47
6, καλούμαστε σε οφειλέτες, αλλά υποψιάζομαι ότι πρέπει να διαβάσουμε ésmēs οἱ δευνοντες; Οι ἐσμές για το ἐσμέν θα ήταν ενδιαφέρον, αν και μαρτυρείται η αντικατάσταση ν > σ στην τελική θέση (βλ. Gignac, Grammar i 132). Ο πειρασμός είναι να απορρίψετε τους παραλήπτες, αλλά θα ήταν ασυνήθιστο με πολλούς παραλήπτες; από την άλλη, η κλητική πληθυντικού δεσπότης δεν μαρτυρείται στους παπύρους. Αυτός είναι ένας κατάλογος τοπωνυμίων που σχετίζονται με το κτήμα Απίων που αποδίδεται στον έκτο αιώνα.
8, instead of Καλουρίας it is possible to read Καλωρίας, which is the name of this locality almost everywhere else.
797. PSI I 58
798. PSI I 61
799. PSI III 165
800. PSI III 180
801. PSI VIII 948
Δαυίδ γιος του Παύλου; στο μη μεταγραφόμενο λ. 2. : "se [τὰ ἄλλα] non è errore di redazione invece di ἄλλα, la spiegazione bisognerebbe cercarla nel rr. Ωστόσο, αυτό είναι αδύνατο: τα solidi είναι της ποικιλίας των 23 καρατίων, γεγονός που αποκλείει την υποτιθέμενη έκπτωση.
9–10, where the text is doubtful: there is a break after δύ[ο in l. 9, and there is no reference to the number of solids in l. 8–11 are in a fragment now joined to the part on the right, but the fragments are not contiguous.). The missing part on the left will have a reference to the 2 solids paid for the wine, followed by a word relating to it.
The trace after the break is horizontal, but hardly part of the tau, so τ̣ει(μῆς) is not an option (τιμή is not mentioned in the main text, but there is a damaged part in l. 12 that rules out certainty. if it was written). 4132 is doubtful, and in fact epsilon should be read instead of tau (see online image). So both texts offer the same reading, ει( ), which can be expanded as εἰ(ς); for the concept cf.
Έτσι, το κείμενο στο πίσω μέρος του PSI 1122 θα έγραφε, ) (pet) ξ(estiaῖα) sek(omats) σ (ὶ) (ὑπὲρ) precess(as) boid(s) chr(ysοῦ) ker(ation) ia (διάσπαρτα είναι ίχνη από το πρώτο μέρος του εγγράφου, τα οποία, τουλάχιστον με βάση την εικόνα, δεν είναι εύκολο να ταιριάξουν με τα γράμματα). 35, άλλο ένα δάνειο χρημάτων με αποπληρωμή σε είδος (ή πώληση με αναβολή παράδοσης), αυτή τη φορά του σίτου; αμφότεροι έφεραν ημερομηνία το δέκατο κατηγορητήριο και υπογεγραμμένοι από τον ίδιο συμβολαιογράφο. Είναι μόνο σύμπτωση ότι ονομάζεται David, όπως είναι ο ομόλογός του στο PSI 1122, αλλά μπορεί να μην είναι τυχαίο ότι ο πιστωτής (ή ο αγοραστής) ονομάζεται επίσης Victor, που περιγράφεται εδώ ως συλλέκτης και ισοπεδωτής.
If true, these would be two of the latest dated documents attesting to financial activities in the city of Oxyrhynchus after the Islamic conquest.
803. PSI XIV 1427
804. PSI XVI 1634
805. PSI XVI 1642
There is no need to change this based on the new reading; see the references collected in PSI XVI 1642.8 n. According to the second editor, “The letter before the omega after the break at the beginning of the line appears. This must represent a rank in the unit, which I have not been able to identify; but it is possible that the rank was removed and this is the end of a second name.".
807. SB XXII 15271
808. SB XXII 15273
810. BGU VII 1589
Die Korrektur ist sozusagen trivial, denn μέτρον δεμβριονν ξυστὸν ἔπαιτον ist in Papyri weit über fünfzig Mal bezeugt40. Wie überall im Fayum hatten sich insbesondere in Philadelphia viele ehemalige Soldaten niedergelassen; vgl. Der Buchstabe nach dem (ebenfalls sehr zweifelhaften) Iota könnte möglicherweise ein Epsilon oder (weniger wahrscheinlich) ein Sigma sein.
An unserer Stelle steht das erste Alpha von διαγράψω in der Abbildung außer Zweifel; Hinzu kommt, dass ein Medium von διαγράφω – wenn ich es richtig sehe – nirgendwo sonst in Papyri bezeugt ist. 12 Von Π̣[αρθικῶν] gibt es nach Pi weitere Tintenspuren, die jedoch nicht einzelnen Buchstaben zugeordnet werden können.
811. BGU VII 1610
813. SB XXII 15241
Mil.Vogl. VII 304 56
Qui il frammento minore è posto e scritto solo sul recto, dove è leggibile la lettera ν. 60 In base alle altre righe di testo in cui compare il termine, è probabile che sia integrato al plurale, anche se non possiamo esserne assolutamente certi.
816. BGU IV 1200
The only possible addition is (κατα)δυνα]στευόμενοι: "(the officials) are ruled by them (the villagers)." For διαμωλύω, LSJ cites only this passage, where the editor suggested "sie machten uns mürbe" in a footnote. The verb now also appeared in P. Bingen 58.15–16, a contemporary petition where the petitioner claims that her tenants τὸν χρόνον διαμωλύουσι,. If instead we conditionally supplement τὸν χρόνον in combination with δυνα]στευόμενοι, we get: "and until now (officials) wasted time (= dragged on) under their (villagers') influence.".
In this fourth-century contract, the additional provision in lines 16-17 has not yet been satisfactorily explained in the re-edition. This (or καυλοκοπίαν, suggested earlier in BL 1.110) does not occur anywhere else, and as far as I know stems do not appear in combination with χόρτος, hay. I propose an alternative reading slightly less interventionist than that of the rededitor R.
The interchange of υ and οι is banal, and even π for φ between vowels is not uncommon (Gignac, Gram. 1.93; cf. πασήλων for φασήλων in line 7). 38 is a copy (in one hand) made from an original where the subscription by one of the parties may have been difficult to read. The subscription is wrong anyway, and I suppose the κοπήν has failed: “and on condition that we perform the
38 comes from the Hermopolite nome was suggested by the rededitor, because the man who wrote the original subscription, Βῆκις Βίωνος, may be the same as in P.Eirene I 8.r.13, also from the fourth century Hermopolite name. Process reports without a verb are more typical of the early Roman period (see R. A. Coles, Reports of Proceedings in Papyri, Brussels.
