Kaleidoscopic memories of ‘mutual learning’ process on SAAL operation of Relvinha neighbourhood

74-1

4

SAAL

AND

ARCHITECTURE

Proceedings

lnternational

Colloquium

74-14

SAAL

and

Architecture

Symposi

um

SAAL:

Retroprospective

Ed

itors

José

Antón

io Bandeirinha

Delfim

Sardo

Gonçalo

Canto

Moniz

eldlarq

pats

BOOK CREDITS TITLE

74-14 SAAL AN D ARCH ITECTU RE

EDITORS

José António Bandeirinha Deifim Sardo

Gonçalo Canto Moniz DESIGN CONCEPT Atelier Pedro Falcäo

TYPESET

Ana Catarina Subtil EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS Ana Pião

Ana Catarina Subtil Alexandra Monteiro Francisco Soares

COPY-ED¡T¡NG

Gonçalo Canto Moniz

José António Bandeirinha TRANSLATIONS

Responsability of the Authors

COVER IMAGE

Courtesy Archives Alexandre Alves Costa

@ 2015 e _{ld larq, Centre for Social Studies,}

Fundação de Serralves

@ Of texts, photographs and translations: the authors, unless otherwise mentioned

PUBLISHERS

e _{ld larq - Publications} of the Departament of Architecture, University of Coimbra

Centre for Social Studies

Fundação de Serralves

ISBN

978-989-99432-0-9 (e I d I arq)

978-989-95840-6-8 (Centre f or Soci al Stud i es) 978-972-739-321 -3 ( Fundação de Serralves) Legal Deposit 416530/16 COLLOQUIUM CREDITS TITLE INTERNATIONAL COLLOQUIUM

74-14 SAAL AND ARCHITECTURE

ORGANIZATION

José António Bandeirinha Gonçalo Canto Moniz SCIENTIFIC COMMISSION Delfim Sardo

Giovanni Allegretti

Gonçalo Canto Moniz José António Bandeirinha

Nancy Þuxbury Nuno Serra Paulo Providência Tiago Castela COLABORATORS Alexandra Monteiro Ana Catarina Subtil Ana Piäo

Carolina Ferreira Marianne Ullmann Rita Serra e Silva DATES

14, 15, 16 November 2014

VENUE

Coimbra, Department of Architecture, University of Coimbra

ORGANIZATION

Centre for Social Studies

Department of Architecture, University of Coimbra

PARTNERS

25 of April Documentation Centre Docomomo lnternacional

Serralves Museum of Contemporary Art

SPONSORS

Foundation for Science andTechnology (FCT)

Luso-American Development Foundation (FLAD) Delta Cafés

YEAR

SYMPOSIUM CREDITS The symposium'SAAL: A Retroprospective' was organized on the occasion of the exhibition 'The SAAL Process: Architecture and Participation,

1974-'1976'at the Serralves Museum of

Contemporary Art, Porto, Portugal, from

1 November 2014to

I

February 2015,The exhibition travelled to the Canadian Centre for Architecture in

Montréal, Canada, from 12 May to 4 October 2015.

TITLE SAAL: A RETROPROSPECTIVE ORGANIZATION Delfim Sardo DATE 'l0May 2014 VENUE

Serralves Museum of Contemporary Art

ORGANIZATION

Serralves Museum of Contemporary Art PARTNERS

Centre for Social Studies

Department of Architecture, University of Coimbra

25 of April Documentation Centre

mbra

74-1

4

SAAL

AND

ARCHITECTURE

I

74-14.SAAL and ARCHITECTURE: an introduction JoséAntónio Bandeirinha _I Delfim _{Sardo I} Gonçalo Canto Moniz

SAAL #

RETROPROSPECTIVE ARCHITECTURE

13

Notes on a self-managed housing service

Nuno Portas

19

A

debate on the f uture of a future-making process, Round table

with

Raúl Hestnes

Ferreira, Eduardo Souto Moura and Álvaro Siza

José António Bandeirinha

SAAL

#

PORTUGUESE

ARCHITECTURE

43

The dream of a thing: epic and setbacks in the struggle

for

housing

Daniele Vitale

A

diff icult work: systemat¡c and circumstance in opening new ways

to

Portuguese arch itecture

DomingosTavares

Revisiting

SAAL

North (197a-76): notes on the "process"

with

possible ref lections for

f uture contributions

-

a testimony

Margarida

Coelho

_\

Portuguese architecture and identity,The

SAAL

process: an (un)repeatable dream. Case study of Portela-Outurela, Oeiras

Ricardo Santos

The

SAAL

program, the FFH, and contradictions in disciplinary ideology historical and

historiographical tensions

_-The

case of the Porto region

Ricardo Ruivo _{Pereira I} José PedroTenreiro

A

precedent of

SAAL:

the National Laboratory for Civil Engineering's housing research program in the

1960s

't

Tiago Lopes Dias

53

61

69

77

93

111

Architectural

culture in Lisbon: the architecture course in the ESBAL and education

beyond the classroom betwee

n

1974 and 1976,The case of Bairro Portugal Novo

Leonor Matos Silva

101

Bairro _Mariana do Pego Longo, a

SAAL

project by Bartolomeu Costa Cabral

de Oliveira Couto

SAAL

# AUTONOMOUS ARCHITECTURE

Freedom

to

build? Self-help and incremental growth in the politics of housing in post-revol utionary Portugal

Nelson Mota

121

Portuguese plain architecture: a journey since the 1950s to the present Eliana Sousa Santos

127

Concept- I mplementation -Appropriation

DimitrisAnastasiadis I Stavros _{Gyftopoulos I} George Kokolakis _I PanayiotisTournikiotis

135

The language of the

SAAL

program. Similarities and variations in the work of the

SAAL

teams in Porto Eduardo Fernandes

143

Aspects of urban integration in

SAAL

North

lrina Davidovici I Manuel Montenegro

151

Compromise and utopia: an interrupted intent of the modern endeavour Hélder Casal Ribeiro

157

Difference and distinction in S,AAL: a challenge to the politics of architecture

RuiAristides Lebre

163

From ilhasto the

SAAL

process: operations of Antas, Leal and Chaves de Oliveira

Ana Catarina Costa

SAAL #

INCLUS¡VE

ARCHITECTURE

173

From interruption

to

inclusion?

João Arriscado Nunes

Kaleidoscopic memories of "mutLral learning" process on

SAAL

operation of Relvinha neighbourhood

João Baía

it-AAL

185

193

199

i

207

237

243

249

257

Housing and participation, Fernando Castillo and the Chilean experience before and after

the military couP of 1973

Hugo Mondragon López I Emanuel Giannotti

Social-urban reintegration and social housing. Spatial analysis of the formal city: BNH and

SAAL

Mário Márcio Queiroz I Tânia Beisl Ramos

SAAL:f

ragments of accomplished utopia, From the invisible city to the city for everyone

Michele Cannatà

The

SAAL

process and the interpretation of domesticity:the singularity and

miscegenation of

its

housing models

Pedro Fonseca Jorge

217

Requiring city: FFF{ and

SAAL

in Portuguese revolutionary period

Rui Seco

Economy serving as a solution in the design of the city: a project throughout the neighbourhoods of lngote, Relvinha and Conchada, Coimbra

Cátia Ramos _I Andreia Margarido _I Beatriz Caitana _{| ,Ana} Galego _I Ana Pião _I Tiago Cabrita

SAAL #

TRANSRELATIONAL

ARCH ITECTU

RE

225

265

Did

SAAL

never happened?

Jorge Figueira

From

SAAL

operations to the BIP

_lZlP

program: the PRODAC North neighbourhood Teresa Sá _| José Luís _{Crespo I} Maria Manuela Mendes

A four-hand etnographic analysis: following

artistic

work on

SAAL

LuísaVeloso I Lígia Ferro

Social vs technical aspects of Eco-Renovation of high-rise social buildings

Jose lgnacio Amador Caballero

On the

trails

of

SAAL:the

architecture tour as mediation between models and projects. Raúl Heslnes and the Fonsecas e Calçada neighbourhood

Miguel Roque

To the inclusive architecture: bridges between

SAAL

in Portugal and participatory

processes in Brazil

Debora Sanches _I Marluci Menezes

271

alei

doscopic memories

of

mutual

le

arning"

AAL

operation

o

e¡ghbourhood

process

_on

f

Relvinha

o

ão Baía

D

student of Institute

of Social Sciences, Lisbon University

and

Associate

Researcher

at

lnstitute of contemporary History,

New

university

of

Lisbon

baiacosta@hotmai l,com

SAAL process in Coimbra didn't have the Starting f rom the research, carried out under

the Master in anthropology, which intended to focus on the memories of residents of the neighbourhood of Relvinha (belonging to

the

Civil

Parish Council of Eiras area in the

municipality of Coimbra) during the period between 1954 and 1976, I

will

present _some of .

the reasons for a higher level of participation

of the residents of in¡s neighbourhood,

compared to other neighbourhoods in the city

of Coimbra during the period 1974-1976 and I

willfocus

on "mutual learning" (Baía, 2Oj2).

me impact it had in Porto, Lisbon, Setúbal Algarve. ln Coimbra, f ive neighbourhood

ciations joined the

SAAL,

however, within

e f ive neighbourhoods, only.one _passed

htto decent housing, through self-help struction _{and external aid of different}

had meetings to discuss which project st suited _{their needs.The neighbourhood}

the support of cultural groups, student The demands and actions of urban struggles during the two years that followed the 25

April,

1974, have focused, besides the issue of accommodation, on areas such as education, health, transport and creation of community

f acilities.

ps, groups _{of foreign volunteers and} companies of construction material,The a dense _{time in which was deve loped a}

ual learning" among the residents and all groups _{that supported the neighbourhood}

s text _seeks

_to

_{understand how this The occupations of houses,}

the f ight against the subletting, the participation in residents'

commissions and associations and the involvement of some neighbourhoods in the

SAAL

process _{were some of the ways}

_that

the movements of residents met

to

improve housing conditions. I

will

focus more on

SAAL

process, particularly on

SAAL

operation of

Relvinha in Coimbra. u¡hood was the unique in Coimbra

ruction _{and conclusion of the houses}

177

the project phase to the construction

Relvinha's _{residents conquered the}

ps.

_lts

_{residents had technical-support} the _{SAAL technical brigade, with}

between 1974 and 1976 is remembered

reached _{the support of diverse groups} þass to the last phase of the project

-hin _{the f ramework of}

_SAAL

-

through the

rn_{ories of the}

residents and members of rent groups _{that supported them.}

1, Relvinha's wood houses neighbourhood.

Semearrelvi nhas Cooperative archive.

The

SAAL

was a project/process created

by a joint decree of the Ministry of lnternal

Administration

and the Ministry of Social

Equipment and Environment, proposed by the Secretary of State

for

Housing and Urban Planning Nuno Portas; and approved on July

31, 1974.This governmental project was the most visible face of state intervention during

the PREC (Ongoing Revolutionary Process), to try

to

resolve the serious housing needs of a large number of families, crossed the notion of the right

to

housing with the right to the

city and place, advocating the maintenance of the poor residents in neighbourhoods

located in city centers and non-refoulement to

suburbs and distribut.ed responsibility for the management and control of operations by the

technicians and the populations (Rodrigues,

1999, p.49).

The work of José

António

Bandeirinha

constitutes the major reference today for a

better understanding of different perspectives discussed at national and international

level around the "architecture of the 25th

April." According

to

Bandeirinha,

this

period "corresponded by unusual methodological ,

contents and by the quality of many of the examples constructed to a period of our recent architectural culture most debated and referenced throughout the world"

(Bandeirinha, 2007).

A

dispatch emitted by the First Constitutional

Government on 27th October, 1976, gave the

city councils the control and def inition of

SAAL

ongoing operations, f rom where the

greatest obstacles

to SAAL

had emerged. ln

practice,

this

dispatch provoked the extinction

of

SAAL,

The dwellers movement and the

SAAL

process that had emerged in Coimbra did not have the same impact comparing to other

cities, Most of the neighbourhood associations had weak organizations, except neighbour associations that adhered

to SAAL

and were marked for years by poverty and poor housing conditions: the neighbourhoods of Relvinha, Conchada, Fonte do Bispo and Quinta da Nora. Of these neighbourhoods, only one passed

from planning stage to the construction stage

- the Relvinha neighbourhood, whose residents have earned the right to adequate housing, replacing the wooden barracks, where they lived for 20 years, by real houses.

This research focused on the memories of informants from the period before 1954,

when the majority were

still

children and adolescents and living in the area of the old

train station,They shared a childhood of poverty, carrying out several

familiar

survival

strategies. Hunger, f loods, lack of housing

t

2. Relvinha's wood houses neighbourhood

Mario Martins de Almeida's archive

conditions were part of the routine of these ch ild ren.

The familiar survival strategies reported can

be considered forms of "everyday resistance", concept developed by James Scott to

designate the type of resistance carried out by

Sedaka peasants in Malaysia that are diff erent

f rom forms of open resistance, _{such as strikes}

and demonstrations (Scott, 1985).The forms of "everyday resistance" identif ied were: the black market duringWorldWar

ll,

hanging outside of the tram, exchange ration tickets by

other products, steal railway line

coalto

light the stove, as referred by one of the residents.

ln the Preliminary Project of Beautif ication of Urbanization and Extension of the City of Coimbra, presented by De Groër in 1948, it was expected the city's growth to the north, which occurred in the 50's.This is when started the enlargement of the Fernão de Magalhães Avenue _{to the area of the}

_train

_station (Old Station, also known as Coimbra B),

This _{extension of the limit of the urban}

agglomeration of Coimbra followed the zoning policy, _{the division of the}

_territory

_{into zones} that _{would be destined for housing, industry} ând _{services,This division also divided the}

territory _according

_to

_{social class, destining}

3, Self-bui lding. Semearrelvinhas

Cooperative archive.

normally the most remote areas for the industry and for the habitation of the working class.

Twenty-eight families living in the Old Railway

Station area had their houses demolished

in 1954 due to construction of the Fernäo de

Magalhäes Avenue.

After

being displaced and lived in chamber neighbourhoods for

about three years, they were relocated in 1957

by the City Council in twenty-eight houses (barracks) of wood, provisionally, but which ran until 1974,The image used by one of the informants to describe this construction gives

lif e to the avenue, "When the avenue got there,

it demolished everything" (JorgeVilas da Fonseca, 2009).

Between 1957 and 1974, the everyday life collected in the life narratives, continued to

be everyday poverty.The wooden barracks off ering very precarious living conditions, because they have been degrading as time

went by.The fact that the f loor of the houses was made of cement, and the rain went inside the houses, there was a high degree of humidity, the houses were cold and mud

that formed in the small streets between the wooden barracks increased the level of unhealthy and potentiated the onset of various diseases.The lack of electricity and water and

4, Self-building, Semearrelvinhas.

Cooperative archive.

hunger were other problems pointed out by the informants

The negative aspects of the change of houses geographical location identif ied _þy residents were the increasing distance f rom the river, the Choupal Park, the city center and the isolation

of the neighbourhood.

The student movement from 1958

to

1974

provoked several episodes that shook up the city of Coimbra, f rom academic crises, demonstrations, strikes, that led police loads and arrests. Some residents began

attending spaces where they met members of the opposition movements to the f ascist

regime, such as cafes, taverns and republics (communitarian houses of students)rThese spaces were places that joined students,

intellectuals, workers, where they discussed

politics, which allowed so_me residents

to

have a greater awareness of their social conditions

and gaining will to chairge the living conditions

ofthe

neighbourhood and

to

have access to

information, otherwise, it was fenced Auè to their scanty schooling

One resident of the neighbourhood ref ered two actions that occurred in the late sixties, that

'

exceed the forms of "everyday resistancel'. These actions were carried out at night and

5. Fundraising for SAAL program in

Relvinha's neighboor, By Francesco Marconi

Semearrelvinhas Cooperative archive.

clandestinely: the breaking of a septic tank, which content f ell on the entrance of the

building of the vice President of the Coimbra

City Council and the placement of garbage bags on the stairs of the house of the mayor of Coimbra.

Following the 25

April

a window of

opportunities oppened and the Relvinha neighbourhood did not miss and joined the

SAAL

project, ln the municipality of Coimbra,

in 1975, there were four ongoing Operations

that intended

to

house worthily 260 families in four

districts

of the city: in the neighbourhood of Relvinha, Conchada, Fonte do Bispo and

Quinta da Nora (Conselho Nacional do

SAAL'

1e76).

Of these four neighbourhoods, the Relvinha neighbourhood was the unique that adopted

the necessary procedures to accelerate the

construction process of 34 house_s and the only one

to

pass f rom the design phase to the

construction phase,

The

SAAL

brigade which designed the project

and followed up the work was composed by architect Carlos Almeida and by engineers Simões Pereira and CarlosTavares.The residents decided to join the self-building, which consists in the active participation of

the residents in the house building process. According to one of the residents, the architect

CarlosAlmeida "wanted to accelerate it as soon as possible because he said, and well, that it was necessary to start to do something, with f unds or not, for people

to

believe, if not, everything was ruined" (Oliveira, 2003,

p,

B1). Nuno Portas, Secretary of State for Housing and Urban Planning after the 25 April,

creator of the

SAAL

project defended, according to José

Antonio

Bandeirinha, ,'it was necessary to work with all the physical and psychological implications of the action, for such appropriation could be

more intense"(Bandeirinha, 2007, p. 122).

Some

SAAL

operations resorted to self-building as one of the forms of participation of the residents in the work costs,The

self-building was not consensual and was

ref used on various committees and residents associations in various

SAAL

operations, as well as by several architects who considered self-building as a "double exploitation of the worker". However, some neighbourhoods joined the self-building, as a way

to

reduce the

f inal cost of the work, in particular the Relvinha

neighbourhood.

One informant describes the self-building

process:

"People _{putting brick,} women, children, everyone there to help. lt was beautif ul and then the people

came f rom the outside of the neighbourhood, students f rom various countries. lt was a

great _{involvement. (,..)}

_lt

_{was one of the most}

beautiful moments in the history of the Relvinha neighbourhood" (José Fernando Martins de Almeida, 2009).

The _{neighbourhood obtained support of} student _{groups, cultural groups, parties and}

catholic groups, companies, besides that, they advocate _{that they were never colonized by any} group and followed an independent path.They

had _{the support of a group called Companions}

Builders, _{formed by foreign volunteers} who participated in the neighbourhood

construction _process,

Some _{people interviewed f rom these external} groups and f rom the neighbourhood reported that _{there was a "mutual learning" among}

differ'ent cultures, different classes, different

knowledges.The "mutual learning" is an emic concept that I developed f rom _{my research}

into Relvinha which is related to a mutual learning among residents and external groups to the neighbourhood. From these groups also existed a learning process, because they had began knowing a reality that was sealed for them and they had

to

learn new ways to

communicate their knowledge,

A

member of the Companions Builders ref ers to the importance of realizing

that

in the 70's, Europe had such different realities:

"Knowing how people live and what diff iculties

they face. Knowing the reality of the country,

All

thís was interesting to see up close, talk to people. This is one of the interesting aspects, see what life was like in a wooden barracks neighbourhood.

It was a very poor neighbourhood, with poor and

ma rg i nal i zed hyg ien ic cond iti ons." ( Hans-Richard

Jahnke, 2009).

One of the persons belonging to a group of medical students who intensively collaborated

with the neighbourhood refers to

this

process of mutual learning:

"And then the things that remain in memory forever.

The conversations with the women there.

lt

was

interesting. Were completely different experiences

and that at the time were completely new things for

us." (Leticia Ri beiro, 2009),

Mutual learning is also present in the

testimony of

this

informant:

"Creating something that everyone aspired.

All

f ighting together to achieve this goal and then

the crossroads of cultures, of different degrees,

students, young people from other countries, illiterate, people without any culture. Everyone

there with the same goal. And that was eìtriching." (José Fernando Martins de Almeida, 2009),

Conclusion:

ïhe

Association of Relvinha residents

collaborated with associations of neighbourhoods of Coimbra

that

have joined the

SAAL,

but whose projects were never constructed, Relvinha residents also colaborated with workers committees and

with the

Agricultural

Cooperative of Barcouço which sold the coqperative's products

in the neighbourhood.The inhabitants of Relvinha participated in local and national demonstrations for the right

to

housing, against extinction of

SAAL

and in the most decisive moments of the period between

1974 and 1976, taking position and moving

to Strategic sites in the region and the city

(Aerodrome of Cernache and Bridge of Santa Clara).

The greater involvement and participation of

the residents of the Relvinha neighbourhood alter 25

April

is related

to

different factors.

The fact that they come together f rom the

area of the old station and have to resort to

various familiar survival strategies, created a strong bond among residents and a high sense of identif ication with the neighbourhood'

According to Amalia Signorelli, who studied

the Pietralata neighbourhood that was dislodged f rom the center of Rome and

relocated in wooden barracks on the outskirts

of the city, the shared memory of common needs

felt

during these periods and the

importance of place, may be reasons that could contribute for f urther identif,ication of the

residents with the neighbourhood, contributing

to the existence of a closer union of the rgsidents,

The passage of a daily resistance to a new type òf res istance, even before the 25 April, forms a common memory of some struggles,

which may have inf luenced later a strong involvement and a larger organization,

I think that the historical and geographical context are very important, since, according

to

informants, there was more contact

between different social groups and classes at a time, in "long 60's", in a city

that

marked a generation and that originated a 'mutual

learning' repertoires of struggle, forms of organization, intersection of different ideas and political experiences. As the residents of

the Relvinha neighbourhood before 2SApril had contact with the student movement and

opposition movements have better use of the window of opportunity that opened up

following the 25

April,

using social networks already established,These networks allowed

contact with other groups who agreed

to

help

the residents of Relvinha quarter on resolution of technical and bureaucratic issues, arranging various ways of raising.f unds to support the

self-building, such as sales stickers, concerts organization, information sessions.

Finally, I would like

to

stress the importance of

the study of

this

period for the understanding of Portuguese society.The

SAAL

process is essential whenever discussing housing policies, even today, lt would be interesting through the use of oral history to collect testimonies of the various actors in

this

process (architects, social workers, engineers and especially the.neighbourhoods residents) and study operation by operation,

their

variations, provoked by different contexts, like the city, the region, the architect the

association or committee of residents. I think

that a multidisciplinary project (involving, sociolog ists, anthropolog ists, h istorians and

architects) that could cover all operations

could provide information

to

better understand

this

proôess and its specif ic features and this

period so complex that, in my view, can give clues for the present and for the f uture and

permit us to ask what is the role of architecture in society at a time when the housing question is in discussion again.

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L

Oral Sources

Life stories:

Almeida, José Fernando Martins de (200g) Almeida, Mário Martins de (2OOst

-'-

'-Almeida, Regina Martins Oe fZOO'gl Mortágua, Maria de _{Lurdes Sàntos} (2009)

Mortágua, Maria Rosa.linda Santos _iÞóOgi Santos, Carlos Eduardo dos (200éi

'--Santos, João dos (2009)

Santos, João Augusto dos (2009)

_S_q!!gr, Maria

Albertina

Feireirá da Silva dos

(200e)

Vilas, Jorge (2009)

Semi-structured interviews:

Almeida, Celeste (2007)

Bandeirinha, José

António

(2009)

Ferreira, José Augusto (2007)

Gomes, Diamantino (2009)

Gouveia, Hermínio Simões (2009)

Marcon i, Francesco (2009) Natividade, Frederico (2007) Oliveira, Mário de (2009) Ribeiro, Letícia (2009) Jahnke, Hans (2009) Vilas, Jorge (2007) Filmography

?iq.,_:lj (200J),

As

Operações SAAL,90m,

dist. Midas Filmes.

l-Vl_esquita, P.

_&Araújo,

_{S. (2009),} paredes Me ias, 53m, d ist, _{Muzzakl Cinemactiv.}

ïelles,

A. C. (1976), Continuar aViver ou os

lndios da Meia-Praia,10Bm, dist. Costa do

Castelo Filmes.

Trefaut, S. (1999), Outro País. Memórias, Sonhos, llusões... Portugal lg74/75,20m, d¡st. Costa do Castelo Filmes-,