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1 Diretoria de Assistência Social da Marinha. Pç. Barão de Ladário/ed. Almirante Tamandaré S/N 5º andar, Centro. 20091-000 Rio de Janeiro RJ Brasil. nadiaxmoreira@ yahoo.com.br 2 Programa de Pós-Graduação em Serviço Social, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro RJ Brasil. 3 Faculdade de Serviço Social, Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro RJ Brasil.
The meanings assigned to disablement based on military ‘habitus’
Abstract This is a qualitative study based on in-depth interviews, with the aim of analyzing the meanings associated with a social phenomenon, specifically disabilities in the military field. A total of 22 people were interviewed, 3 managers and 19 Brazilian Navy professionals responsible for coordinating, standardizing, enforcing and
overseeing the Special Care Program (Programa
de Assistência Especial) in Rio de Janeiro. Data was processed using the Interpretation of Meaning Approach, based on the concept of disablement and military habitus. The results show interpre-tations that completely deny the possibility of dis-abled persons in the military, considering such an idea to be insane. Others welcome the idea, albeit limited to administration, logistics and support functions. We find that the greatest hurdle for the involvement of people with disabilities in the Brazilian Navy is not their bodies, but the stigma associated with disablement. Their bodies become the main defining and deprecatory element of
these subjects.
Key words Disablement, Military Forces Nádia Xavier Moreira 1
Ludmila Fontenele Cavalcanti 2
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Introduction
Disablement experts1-4 agree that how people
in-terpret disablement is an important element to explain how this diversity is managed. Incorpo-rating people with disabilities as a social practice represents the differentiated treatment in leading policies and programs for people with disabilities. In 2011, the World Health Organization esti-mated that over a billion people around the world live with some sort of disability, 785 million of whom are economically active5. According to the
IBGE, Brazil’s Institute for Geography and Statis-tics, out of a population of 190,755,799 in 2010, 45,606,048 had at least one of the disabilities in-vestigated. This is 23.9% of the population6. This
is a significant number of people, requiring that public policies must be prepared to address the challenges of this situation.
When incorporated into social practice, the meanings associated with a social phenomenon such as disablement impacts the cultural sys-tem and social structure, and thus the otherness of the disability, whose objective expression is found in the rights, laws and public policies cre-ated for this segment.
Hence the importance of understanding dis-ablement in its broader conception and as part of group health, or as a milestone of social deter-mination of the health-disease process, using as a reference the social contradictions found in the contradictions in life, especially when it comes to jobs for people with disabilities.
This article analyses the meanings assigned to disablement based on the military habitus of the professionals and managers of the Brazilian Navy (BN) involved in standardizing, coordinating, enforcing and overseeing the PAE (Special Care Program) in Rio de Janeiro.
Disablement and military habitus are the key concepts that guide this effort. The former is ref-erenced to the social model of disablement, un-derstood as a manifestation of human differenc-es. This understanding enables separating dis-ablement from injury, a bodily data of no value, and place this phenomenon as the result of the interaction between an injured body and a soci-ety that discriminates. In this model, disablement is a sociological and political phenomenon7-10.
The concept of military habitus is based on the contributions of Bourdieu11 and other
mil-itary sociology and anthropology authors12,13.
Looking at the military institution from the point of view of Bourdieu11, implies in
consid-ering it the locus for building a symbolic system.
Men and women joining a military institution become the heirs of a symbolic set of institution identifiers, comprised of practices and discours-es, expressed in ceremonidiscours-es, rituals and the day-to-day of the institution. The institution must have mechanisms that enable this process of legacy assimilation. This mechanism is ensured via a process of socialization imposed on every-one who joints; this social construct creates and shapes the military identity.
This construct, named by Castro12 as the
“mil-itary spirit”, consists of a process of professional socialization that happens when subjects acquire dispositions, perceived as evident, that lead them to behave in a certain manner, with no need to explicitly remember the rules to follow. In other words, when the military habitus is incorporat-ed. According to Janowitz13, to become an armed
forces professional, soldiers must cease being an individual and become a being whose identity is determined by the institution. All of a soldier’s learning is focused on creating this new person. Thus insertion into the barracks mans, for those seeking a career in the armed forces, embracing a set of values, vision and principles that will result in their acquiring the military habitus.
This study is based on the assumption that building a meaning for disablement on the part of the managers and professionals involved in PAE, is influenced by the military habitus, cre-ating a culture that normalizes differences and a social construct of the body required for a mili-tary professional. Finally, it is expected that the military body reference and anchor the social identity of the group or, in other words, a disci-plined body14.
Understanding disablement and the associ-ated stigma15 in military institutions may
sug-gest something is out of place, as the meeting of disability and the military stresses the military
habitus as it questions the pillars upon which it
is supported.
It is believed that cross-referencing disable-ment and military habitus will offer valuable contributions to understanding how the military
habitus influences the treatment of people with
disabilities in this area, be they military person-nel, their dependents or civilians.
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and that interfere in the work-health relationship, with the social character of disablement vs. the military habitus at the core of this analysis, and the need to design it from its articulation with the process of social production and reproduction.
This study is aligned with the concept that proposes to break the interpretations of dis-ablement that reduces it to bodily impediments, including an analysis of the social, cultural and political issues associated with the phenomenon.
Method
This is a qualitative study based on in-depth interviews. The aim is to analyze the meanings associated a social phenomenon, specifically dis-abilities in the military field.
Institutional context of the study
PAE is one of the programs in the BN social services policy. It is focused on the dependents of navy personnel (civilian and military) with dis-abilities who are above the age of five. The pro-gram covers the entire country. In Rio de Janeiro execution is the responsibility of the Naval Social Services.
The Naval Social Services Department is a military organization responsible for standard-izing, coordinating and managing the navy’s so-cial services policy, and for managing the funds set aside for social programs. This department is also responsible for overseeing the activities of the Naval Social Services, a military organization that is under its umbrella, and is responsible for executing and overseeing the PAE in RJ.
Access to the PAE requires an assessment by GAAPE (Group for the Assessment and Fol-low-up of Special Patients), which will decide on the types of therapy, their frequency and the best institutions to provide them. Annual assessments performed by GAAPE are essential for remaining in the PAE and for expanding treatment.
Boundaries of the study field
The empirical study field is made up of DASM, SASM and GAAPE. In selecting this field we used the following criteria: a) Sectors of the BN responsible for managing the PAE in RJ; b) Sectors of the BN that standardize, coordinate, execute and oversee the PAE in RJ; c) Sectors
of the BN responsible for the acceptance, per-manence and discharge of program users in RJ. For insertion into the field DASM sent a message (official communication vehicle in the military field) to SASM and GAAPE, asking for authori-zation to perform the study.
Selecting study subjects
The study subjects were DASM, SASM and GAAPE managers and professionals. Subjects were selected to create a representative sample of the phenomenon under study. Inclusion criteria were the following: a) subjects responsible for managing the PAE in RJ; b) subjects who stan-dardize, coordinate, enforce and oversee the PAE in RJ; c) subjects who determine who may join, remain and exit the Program in RJ.
Data gathering tool
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Data analysis
Interviews were analyzed using the Inter-pretation of Meaning Method of Gomes et al16.
In a first step the interview material was read to capture the content of the material and get an overview of the specificities of the material. This reading allowed us to put together an ana-lytical structure used to rank and distribute the units comprising the material. The structure was assembled anchored on the concepts of disable-ment and military habitus.
In the next step, based on the analytical struc-ture created, we performed the following steps: a) identification of the explicit and implicit ideas about disablement; b) search for the broader (so-ciocultural) meanings of disablement; c) a dialog between the ideas posed, the information from other studies on disablement, and the theoretical reference of the study.
The third step was an interpretative synthesis, attempting to articulate the study objective, the theoretical basis and the empirical data.
This study is part of a Ph.D. dissertation17.
The project that originated this study was sub-mitted to and approved by the BN Research Eth-ics Committee. This procedure complies with the guidelines in National Board of Health Resolu-tion 466/1218, governing research involving
hu-man beings.
Results and discussion
The results of the relationship between military
habitus and the interpretation of the phenomenon
to disablement are based on the perceptions built around the presence of people with disabilities in the BN, as military professionals. It is important to point out the existence of understandings that totally deny the possibility that people with dis-abilities may pursue a naval career, actually con-sidering it madness: Are you crazy? A person with disabilities in the Navy? ... it clashes with our values.
(G1). It would be insane! Far too advanced for us. I
don’t think that tradition would allow it (E4).
An analysis of the statements enables iden-tifying a static vision of the military institution, linked to its professional phase. Military profes-sionalization enabled creating a group of indi-viduals technically and organizationally trained to manage armed violence and legitimately and directly involved in its preparation and appli-cation19. However, it is known that the values
that currently guide military institutions were
historically linked to questions of power, which attempted to transform individuals into cogs in their wheels20.
Underlying the statement below is a reaction of uncertainty regarding the destination of the very institution with the possible inclusion of people with disabilities in the armed forces. Put-ting a person with special needs here is like buying
a new TV or a used one. [...] When you turn on
the used TV, [...] you have no idea what behavior
you will see on the TV [...]. It is this uncertainty
regarding how things will work that makes you not
have confidence.(G3).
Disablement is understood as a difference. People with disabilities are iconic of differenc-es. At the same time, they resist the order and normalcy established and attack the established standards, in an anarchical type of existence21.
Thus difference confronts the military habitus, which attempts to impose full standardization of the agents in this field.
The image of disablement in military institutions
The perceptions surrounding the idea that a military profession would be incompatible with people with disabilities has been justified in the argument that this type of profession has specific requirements that differ from all other profes-sions. I don’t see how a person with special needs
could become a military professional [...] Joining
the navy, because of its career requirements, impos-es a limitation on this public. I can’t see a person
with disabilities in such an environment. (E19).
According to the reports, the specificities that such professionals must present are linked to the very meaning of having armed forces: national defense, which in extreme situations can only be ensured through combat. What happens is that
everything in military life [...] is linked to one
ac-tivity: combat. (G1).
The nature of combat is one of the main characteristics of the military profession. The possibility of doing their duty of defending the nation, possibly requiring that they sacrifice their very lives. This is at the core of the understanding that leads military institutions and their agents to view themselves as different from civilians. Ac-cording to Ferreira22, nowhere will we find
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This characteristics of the military profes-sionals is essential to understanding the develop-ment and reproduction of the military habitus, and provides an understanding of how those so-cialized in this field incorporate the concepts of courage and willingness for combat. This trans-forms the abominable situation of the objective conditions that may condemn them to death into something virtuous. Ideologically, this is raised to a matter of honor, one of the guiding princi-ples of the armed forces.
Combat thus has an ambivalent nature. One the one hand, a military person can get the most of what his/her body has to offer in the battle-field, possibly becoming a hero. On the other hand, it is also in the operating theater that the largest number of casualties occur – death, injury and mutilation.
Estimates indicate that among German sol-diers surviving WWI, one and a half million re-turned with severe disabilities, including 80,000 who had had an upper and/or lower limb am-putated23. WWII left about 28 million mutilated
persons, including both civilians and military personnel24. The latter, by being discharged from
the armed forces, experienced a double process of grief, the loss of a certain way of being in a body that had changed, and having to leave their profession, that which comprised their identity. The hero defending his/her country became de-fenseless and unnecessary.
A military career and the standards of body and health
According to Bourdieu25, habitus in any field
gives rise to different types of bodily expression, as the willingness and readiness incorporated mold the body based on material and spiritu-al conditions, translating into a way of being. Along this line of thinking, the military body, the body hexis, is a strong element of the relation-ship between military personnel and the rest of the world, and military personnel are willing to mold their body to favor this relationship. Mil-itary staff learn with their bodies - how to walk, speak, dress, wear their hair and speak to others.
Their body is a vehicle that expresses the so-cial order they are part of, distinguishing them from civilians. Physical (and behavioral) attri-butes distinguish them and make military per-sonnel recognizable even when not in uniform, when they are not bearing the most visible mark-er of the corporation outside the military field. Often the military habitus will condition military
personnel to make certain gestures, or to move in ways they are not conscious of and that escape their very control.
In the perceptions of these professionals we see the concept that the body should translate military identity: a body from which one gets the most efficiency. This idealized body, capable of defending the homeland, contrasts with the perception that something is missing, associated with the bodies of those with disabilities. We ex-pect that at any time a military person will take
up arms and fight to the death. [...] this would be
difficult for a person with disabilities. (G3).
This ideal body, with attributes considered essential for the performance of military duties, must be useful and subject to the institution it serves. However, this is not what we see in the day-to-day of the Brazilian Navy, as it includes bodies that do not conform to this ideal and that break with the reference use to identify the mil-itary condition. In theory, [...] we are prepared to face anything. For this reason our bodies must be ready. But in actual fact, this is not what we see.
[...] there are military staff who are unable to per-form tasks that demand much of their bodies, we have military personnel with quite severe
disabil-ities.(E13).
This situation points to inconsistencies in the military habitus, which offers the opportunity to reinterpret the values and meanings assigned to the body in this field. This shows the possibility of transforming the habitus, to the extent that it is not the end-point of a journey, but a system in constant transformation25.
Another issue identified in this position is the concept that disablement is the opposite of health, showing an understanding of disability anchored on the medical model of disablement, associating the phenomenon to disease, as sug-gested in the following statement: A person with disability is a person who requires care. No matter what the disability is, he or she will always require
[...] healthcare. (E2).
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a mobility impaired person operate a [...] drone?
(E5).
Another issue worth mentioning is the re-quirements for joining the military, impossible for a person with a disability - from the simplest to the most complex - to meet, and that are unre-lated to the details of the condition of the mission
and responsibilities of each one.(E17).
The military habitus is present in this insti-tutional posture by the willingness to standard-ize field agents, which confronts the association between disablement linked to stigma and dif-ference.When you add a person to the navy, you
add people who can all do the same things. [...] A
[...] person lacking a leg, a finger, an arm or an ear,
[...] I’m here, but everyone feels sorry for me [...]. We now these people will never meet the standards
required to be a member of the armed forces. (G3).
Underlying all of these statements is the belief that bodily characteristics are what result in ex-cluding people with disabilities from the armed forces. This perception is foreign to the social structure of this organization, which is unwilling to acknowledge the different ways that a disabil-ity can be experienced. Disablement is an indi-vidual and not a social problem, which complies with the social model adopted by Brazil when it ratified the Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities26.
The belief that the armed forces should be willing to keep people with disabilities acquired during their military career is more prevalent among managers. I am a military professional,
[...] if I become disabled, and if this disability does not limit my performance in that role in any
sig-nificant way. Then [...] I believe I should remain
in the Navy. (G1). A person who enters the Naval
Academy or an [...] apprentice sailor, corporal or
sergeant who at some point loses a finger or a leg
in a workplace accident [...]. This person can still
perform some of the bureaucratic tasks [...]. The
navy must structure itself so that these people
re-main. (G3).
These statements show there is an ideal body for military activities, based on the military hab-itus, which has been excluding agents already in-cluded and molded in this field. This institution-al practice is counter to the working potentiinstitution-al of such subjects.
Maintaining a certain body and health stan-dard is a constant concern within the armed forces. Thus disease and disability are assessed against strict standards that are constantly up-dated. A military person with a disease or with some negative bodily attribute compared to this
reference is removed from the service. In other words, if a military person acquires any disease or disability considered to be incompatible with the exercise of their profession, they are immediately retired ex-officio (by virtue of one’s position).
The association between disablement and stigma provides the elements required to under-stand this part of the military habitus. According to Goffman15, there is an ideological construct
around this stigma, which is used to explain the inferiority of those against whom the stigma ex-ists. This is reflected in the perceptions regarding the permanence of military personnel with dis-abilities in the armed forces. In this way, using the contributions of the author, one may defend the argument that the greatest hurdle to military per-sonnel with disabilities remaining in the armed forces is not the disability itself, but the fact that this becomes the main defining element of this person.
Regulating differences in the military habitus
The perceptions around including people with disabilities in the armed forces, primarily limited to administration, support and logistics, deny the possibility of difference for such indi-viduals. To be accepted, these people must be-come equal to any of the field agents. So long as their disability does not keep them from fulfilling all of the requirements in the rules, I see no problem
employing them in the administrative area. (G3).
Underlying understanding is that a disable-ment is something to be overcome to include people with disabilities in military careers. How-ever, this does not take into account the possible architecture, attitude, institutional and organiza-tional barriers that may favor or limit this perfor-mance. Therefore this perspective is an attempt to negate and reject the disability.
This position is seen in the concept of in-tegrating people with disabilities in the armed forces and failure to include them, which contra-dicts the ideas in the Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities. Integration is based on the concept of normalizing those with dis-abilities. This perspective does not question the structures and social attitudes that produce the inequalities experienced by differentiated bodies, as defended for social inclusion27,28.
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the differences viewed as essential for stability in that area.
Final Considerations
The knowledge from group health contributed to this study, enabling a critical dialog and the identification of the contradictions that directly interfere in the life of the military professional with disabilities.
The results show there is a relative amount of consistency in the perceptions of managers and professionals on disablement and their percep-tions on the exclusion of those with disabilities from the naval profession. The arguments in this study to exclude those with disabilities evoke the Brazilian Navy values and traditions. However, for the most part they are anchored on the mil-itary condition: rights, duties and situations to which the military staff are submitted, in light of the nature of the armed forces mission - national defense.
The military habitus appears in the conserva-tive statements, expressed in the invocation of a professional tradition and profile that legitimize an organization and a working process specific to the current naval military institution.
The perceptions built around a body ideal-ized for war also reveal the conflict between the military habitus and the meanings associated with disablement. Thus the social construct of the body conceived to “fight and die if necessary in defense of the homeland”, conflicts with the perception of the lack or absence of something that managers and professionals associated with a disabled body.
This bodily construct, structured and embed-ded in the military habitus, also offers elements that explain our understanding of the criteria for entering the military, which constitute a hurdle for those with disabilities, be they simple or se-vere. One may deduce then that the military hab-itus is present in this institutional posture, and its willingness to standardize and rank agents in this field. This is aligned with the perceptions of disability linked to stigma and difference.
The perceptions that include the possibility of the disabled in the military ranks also bring to light the tension between military habitus and disablement. The background to this issue is the perception of disablement as a difference that must be eliminated if these individuals are to be integrated into a military career. To an extent, this negates and rejects disablement.
These perceptions also associate disable-ment with a challenge and failing that must be overcome to insert those with disabilities in the military. These constructs show the invisibility of social, architectural, attitude and institutional barriers, which either favor or hinder the inclu-sion of people with disabilities. Once again, the military habitus is present in these associations, to the extent that they structure standardizing conducts.
This study also shows that while the military
habitus is a concept viewed as a system designed
in the past and focused on the present, it is a system that is continuously being reformulated. This aspect may be seen in the perceptions that indicate the existence of people in the armed forces whose bodies differ from the image of the warrior, breaching the paradigm associat-ed with the military condition and employassociat-ed in non-combat roles. This shows that it is not only those with bodies fit for combat who meet the institutional needs. These perceptions announce the possibility of reinterpreting the values and meanings assigned to the body in a military field, which may impact the military habitus and hence how these agents perceive and handle bodily dif-ferences. This reinterpretation is also found on other studies on healthcare from the point of view of reintegration military personnel in dif-ferent contexts29,30.
In light of the ideas of Goffman15, it is fair to
say that the meaning of disablement is social and in construction, and thus the link between stig-ma and disability is not fixed. There is always the possibility of change in the perception of stigma during the course of one’s life, especially follow-ing closer contact, such as personal experience or having a work colleague who experiences stigma.
This study returns to the debate on diversity, considering it a matter of group health. Disable-ment is thus conceived based on the social de-terminant of health, understood as the “process resulting from historical and structural determi-nants that mold social life in the different social formations”31. In recognizing the different forms
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facilitating or hindering access to people with disabilities to the armed forces, thus collaborat-ing to the recognition of human rights.
Collaborations
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