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Universidade do Minho

Escola de Psicologia

Beatriz Neves Pereira

junho de 2017

Elementary School Students' Attitudes towards

Gypsy People: School-Based Video Training to

Increase Knowledge and Decrease Stigma

Beatriz Neves Pereira

Element

ar

y School Students' Attitudes to

w

ards Gypsy P

eople: School-Based

V

ideo T

raining to Increase Kno

wledge and Decrease Stigma

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Beatriz Neves Pereira

junho de 2017

Elementary School Students' Attitudes towards

Gypsy People: School-Based Video Training to

Increase Knowledge and Decrease Stigma

Trabalho efetuado sob a orientação do

Professor Doutor Pedro José Sales Luís Fonseca Rosário

e da

Professora Doutora Paula Cristina Soares Magalhães

Silva Correia

Dissertação de Mestrado

Mestrado Integrado em Psicologia

Universidade do Minho

Escola de Psicologia

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ii

Index

Resumo ... iv

Abstract ... v

Intruduction ... 6

The purpose of this study ……… 10

Method ... 11

Participants ... 11

Instruments and measures ... 12

Socio-demographic Questionnaire ... 12

Social Distance Scale ... 12

Attitude Scale ... 13

Procedure ... 13

Video training ... 14

Post-it driven group reflection ………. 14

Data analysis ... 15

Results ... 15

Social Distance ………..……….. 16

Attitudes ………... 16

Discussion ... 17

Limitations and future research ... 20

References ... 22

Index for tables Table 1. Descriptive data of the two dependent variables in the three moments …………... 15

Index for figures Figure 1. Steps of the procedure ... 14

Figure 2. Plot of means of Social Distance in three different moments ……… 16

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iii

Agradecimentos

Esta dissertação é motivo de muito orgulho e de um enorme sentimento de realização pessoal e profissional. No entanto, não seria a mesma coisa sem o apoio de todas as pessoas que contribuíram, direta e indiretamente, para que este trabalho fosse possível. Por isso, quero dedicar esta curta página a essas pessoas, para mostrar a minha enorme gratidão.

Primeiramente, quero agradecer aos meus pais e ao meu irmão, as pessoas mais

importantes da minha vida, por apoiarem incondicionamelte as minhas escolhas e por serem o meu porto de abrigo que sempre estará disponível para mim, voe eu o que voar.

Ao meu namorado, Fábio, por acreditar mais em mim do que às vezes eu mesma acredito, por me incentivar a conquistar todos os meus sonhos com força e determinação e por aturar o meu feitio ansioso sempre com um gesto amoroso para me dar.

Ao meu orientador, Professor Doutor Pedro Rosário, por desde a primeira aula me ter inspirado tanto, pela partilha constante, pelas aprendizagens e por depositar tanta confiança em mim. À minha co-orientadora, Professora Doutora Paula Magalhães, por estar sempre disponível e pelo apoio durante este caminho. Ao GUIA e a todas as pessoas que dele fazem parte, por me terem acolhido tão bem e pelos valores que transmitem. Em especial à Tânia Moreira e Raquel Azevedo, por todos os ensinamentos acerca desta temática.

Um agradecimento cheio de carinho às minhas companheiras, Andreia e Joaninha, pelas preocupações partilhadas, pelo caminho percorrido em conjunto e pela amizade que guardarei sempre comigo.

À Joana Torres, prima do meu namorado, pelo trabalho impecável em prol de boas causas e por me ter apresentado a Associação Plano i, à qual também agradeço por terem visto valor no meu trabalho e me quererem ajudar na integração na comunidade Cigana.

Ao Doutor Nuno, pela dedicação e excelente trabalho que realiza com a comunidade Cigana do Bairro da Biquinha no Porto, por ter acreditado no meu trabalho e ser sempre incansável no apoio que me deu e por me ter integrado tão bem na comunidade.

Um agradecimento de destaque aos meus atores favoritos, os meninos de etnia Cigana que entram no vídeo da intervenção realizada no âmbito desta dissertação, Pepe, Tonito, Jonae, Daniel, Nelson e Lisandro.

Às minhas colaboradoras de investigação, Filipa Carvalho, Beatriz Boaventura, Filipa Martins, Sara Freitas, Cristina Oliveira e, em especial. à Sofia Ramôa que se dedicou tanto e com a qual desenvolvi uma amizade especial.

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iv

Atitudes de Alunos do Ensino Básico acerca da Etnia Cigana: Uma Intervenção Escolar através de um Vídeo para e Aumentar o Conhecimento e Diminuir o Estigma.

Resumo

A taxa de abando escolar entre a etnia Cigana é elevada, sendo que diversos

programas de intervenção têm sido desenvolvidos para alterar este cenário. Contudo, estes programas focam na adaptação da cultura Cigana à cultura dominante. Assim, estas

intervenções não promovem uma mudança de atitudes da população dominante relativamente à população Cigana. O objetivo deste estudo é testar a eficácia de uma intervenção escolar com base num vídeo educativo de forma a aumentar o conhecimento e diminuir o estigma em relação à população Cigana, com o objetivo último de promover a sua inclusão. Foram

recrutadas 34 turmas do 4.º e 5.º ano de escolaridade, totalizando 663 participantes. O pré-teste decorreu uma semana antes da intervenção, e o pós-pré-teste imediatamente após a mesma. Para avaliar se as mudanças se mantêm ao longo do tempo, realizou-se um follow-up três meses após a intervenção. Os resultados indicam que as atitudes em relação à etnia Cigana melhoraram e a distância social diminuiu. Contudo, decorridos três meses da intervenção, as atitudes voltam a níveis semelhantes aos do pré-teste. Estes resultados sugerem que é

importante dar continuidade a intervenções deste cariz de modo a que se possam manter os seus efeitos ao longo do tempo.

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Elementary School Students’ Attitudes towards Gypsy People: School-Based Video Training to Increase Knowledge and Decrease Stigma

Abstract

The rate of school dropout among Gypsy population is high and several intervention programs have been developed to change this scenario. However, the focus of these programs has been on the adaptation of the Gypsy culture to the dominant culture. Thus, these

interventions do not promote a change of attitudes of the dominant population towards Gypsy people. The purpose of this study is to test the effectiveness of a school intervention based on an educational video to increase knowledge and decrease stigma towards Gypsy people, with the ultimate aim of promoting their inclusion. Thirty-four classes from the 4th and 5th grade were recruited, making a total of 663 participants. The pre-test took place one week before the intervention and the post-test immediately after the intervention. To evaluate if the changes are maintained over time, a follow-up was performed three months after the intervention. The results indicate that the attitudes towards Gypsy people become more positive and the social distance decreased. However, three months after the intervention the scores for the attitudes returned to the pre-test levels. These results suggest that it is important to continue the interventions of this kind so that their effects can be sustained over time.

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Running head: ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

6 Elementary School Students’ Attitudes towards Gypsy People: School-Based Video Training to

Increase Knowledge and Decrease Stigma

Did you know? Sometimes I don’t want to go to school because I don’t feel good there. (…) Some playmates think that all Gypsy kids are dirty and steal and hit. But I like school and I want to learn.

Gypsy student, 4th grade This is a spontaneous statement of a Gypsy child discussing his feelings about school. This quote suggests that Gypsy children’s school absences may not only be due to their cultural mores (e.g., preservation of family traditions, accompanying parents to sell in fairs) but also due to the exclusion and discrimination perpetuated by their peers (Derrington, 2005; Hert & Van, 2012; Lloyd & McCluskey, 2008). In fact, the rate of school dropout among Gypsy children is high and pervasive (European Commission, 2011; Frazer & Marlier, 2011), and, in response, several intervention programs have already been conducted to change this scenario (e.g., Flecha & Soler, 2013; Rosário et al., 2015). However, these programs tend to focus on the adjustment of the Gypsy people into the mainstream culture by working directly with Gypsy children and their parents. However, the shortcoming of this approach is that these programs do not promote an attitude change among mainstream peers towards Gypsy people (Bophal, 2011). For this reason, the aim of the present study is to develop and implement an intervention program that focuses on increasing the knowledge and decrease the stigma of mainstream students towards Gypsy people, the ultimate goal being to promote the Gypsies’ inclusion.

Introduction

The generic terms “Gypsies”, “Travelers” or “Roma” are used to describe an ethnic minority constituted by a number of distinct communities that tend to be associated with a

nomadic way of life and who share many cultural characteristics (e.g., extended family as a pillar) (Bhopal, 2011; Frazer & Marlier, 2011). In this article, the term Gypsy was chosen to describe this population based on the Portuguese Gypsy community’s preference (Casa-Nova & Palmeira, 2008; Rosário et al., 2014; Rosário et al., 2015) and the choices of the youngsters who were involved in the video of this study.

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

7 The lack of reports and studies on the Gypsy community makes it difficult to determine the actual size of the population. However, the estimated number of Gypsies worldwide is around 12 million, with two-thirds living in Europe (Moutouh, 2000). In Portugal, the estimated

population ranges between 50,000 and 60,000 with the majority distributed throughout the Lisbon, Setúbal, Porto, and Faro regions (Alto Comissariado para a Imigração e Diálogo

Intercultural [ACIDI], 2013). These communities are, for the most part, sedentary, and they tend to experience high levels of poverty and social exclusion (European Commission, 2011). In fact, Gypsy people experience more severe poverty and social exclusion than almost any other group in the countries of which they live. While other minorities groups are also victims of

discrimination, Gypsies tend to experience this issue to a more intense and severe degree

(European Comission, 2011). Social exclusion is evident in the following domains: housing (e.g., cutting off access to water, arbitrary evictions), income (e.g., difficulty in obtaining loans), education (e.g., hostile reactions of parents of non-Gypsy children leading to the transfer of Gypsy children to different schools), the labor market (e.g., racial discrimination in recruitment), and the health system (e.g., access conditions to health services, waiting times, accompanying persons, long treatments) (European Commission, 2011). These forms of exclusion highlight the precarious conditions and difficulties that Gypsy people face when attempting to access their citizenship rights (European Commission, 2011).

Gypsy people are faced with various social challenges [e.g., declining of traditional professions, compliance with very strong internal rules (ACIDI, 2013)], but their engagement with the educational system is one of the main challenges for their inclusion at school (European Commission, 2011). In fact, there is a high level of school failure and dropout among Gypsy children, meaning that they leave school earlier and achieve lower educational qualifications than the general population (Frazer & Marlier, 2011; Rosário et al., 2016). A cross-cultural report by Greenberg (2010) showed that 70 to 80 percent of Gypsy people have less than an elementary school level of education. Additionally, among those who continue beyond elementary education, only 30 to 40 percent attend school regularly. However, despite the regular attendance to school by this subgroup, these children still show high rates of absenteeism. The engagement of Gypsy children in the educational system is crucial, once dropping out of school have negative

consequences for the individual (Cham, Hughes, West & Im, 2015). The incompletion of education for these children can lead to life-long economic, occupational, social, and health

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

8 disparities (Alliance for Excellence in Education, 2007; Pleis, Ward & Lucas, 2010). The

progress in education can be the key in addressing these issues (Tutunaru & Pana, 2016).

While the information regarding the Gypsy children’s attendance is limited, extant studies have suggested that absenteeism can occur due to several reasons, one being the Gypsy people’s concerns over the preservation of cultural and family mores (Bhopal, 2011; Greenberg, 2010; Lloyd & McCluskey, 2008). Some important components of Gypsy culture include the

commitment to experiential family-based learning and the passing on of skills and moral values from generation to generation; these cultural mores conflict with the standards of school-based learning, which removes education responsibilities from the family. Therefore, this can result in a tension forming between the educational system and the Gypsy community (Lloyd & McCluskey, 2008).

The interruption of schooling activities also occurs because many children accompany their parents to work or participate in fairs or agricultural activities, which can take place during school hours (European Commission, 2011). Another reason for the wide-spread reluctance to attend school regularly, and the associated under-achievement among this community, is the discrimination perpetuated by teachers and peers. Discriminatory behaviors include bullying, harassment, name-calling, and disciplinary exclusion (Hert & Van, 2012; Lloyd & McCluskey, 2008). For example, some Gypsy children reported suffering from bullying behavior exuded by peers, such as being physically pushed, getting tripped, having food thrown at them, having items from their uniform or school bag torn or stolen, having their nose broken, getting pushed down the stairs, and being threatened with scissors (Derrington, 2005). The Gypsy students’ fear of being a victim of bullying and assault in school results in them feeling unable to fully participate in school; this even applies to students who wish to later receive formal education (Lloyd & McCluskey, 2008). Another consequence of these discriminatory practices is the nurturing of feelings of mutual distrust, insecurity, and psychological tension and the construction of rigid intergroup boundaries, which makes communication between groups very difficult (Han, 2010; Pabriks, 2002). This phenomenon is cyclical and self-reinforcing (Han, 2010).

Some studies show that discrimination can be perpetuated by both teachers and their classmates. Bhopal (2011) has examined teachers’ attitudes towards Gypsy and traveler students in England and observed that some of these teachers consider Gypsy students as different from other kids. They characterize Gypsy kids as being hostile, challenging of authority, having

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

9 verbally and physically uncontrollable behavior, using intimidation, and forcing to get their own way, among other negative conceptions. What is more, teachers who saw Gypsy students as a problem were also those who had the least knowledge about their cultural differences (Bhopal, 2011). Adding to these sources of discrimination, stigma towards Gypsy students seems to be strengthened by their own reservations concerning school, helping feed the vicious cycle of discrimination(Bhopal, 2004). In contrast, when analyzing the experiences and perceptions of Gypsy students from primary school, and the perspective of significant adults and key

professionals of the school, Derrington (2005) observed that teachers perceived the majority of student as well behaved, commenting that fights were the result of students protecting themselves when they were under threat of physical or emotional attack (e.g., bullying).

Nevertheless, the lack of knowledge regarding Gypsy culture and identityhas been identified as one of the major issues that feed feelings of mistrust and practices of discrimination (European Commission, 2011). In fact, Bhopal (2011) has suggested that the recognition of difference helps the acceptance of the various cultures already present in the school environment, contributing to all cultures become part of the whole school community. Therefore, disseminating knowledge about this community is expected to challenge stereotypical attitudes towards Gypsy, contributing for Gypsy children to feel their culture valued in the school context (Bhopal, 2011).

In order to increase school attendance of Gypsy children and improve their academic results, some intervention programs have been conducted employing different strategies and approaches. In fact, it is essential encouraging Gypsy children to attend school to promote their social inclusion (Tutunaru & Pana, 2016). For example, Rosário et al. (2015) designed a program to help 4th grade Gypsy students develop self-regulated learning (SRL) strategies (e.g., goal-setting, self-reflection, strategic planning, organizational strategies) to increase their motivation towards school tasks and academic achievement. This program lasted for 18 weeks, and the weekly one hour group sessions were guided by the narrative Yellow’s Trials and Tribulations (Rosário, Núñes, & Gonzáles-Pienda, 2007), a story-tool conceived to promote SRL in

elementary school students. The chapters of this book were read out loud and discussed to provide opportunities for the students to acquire, practice, and reflect on the use of the SRL strategies underlying the story. The program improved the behavioral and cognitive engagement of Gypsy children in school (Rosário et al., 2015).

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

10 In another project, the Gypsy community participated in the decision-making process regarding the transformation of the school (La Paz Primary School) into a more Gypsy-friendly environment. This school is especially unique because 90% of its population is constituted of Gypsy children. The goal of this project was achieved through a dialogical approach, in which teachers and Gypsy families interacted and collaborated to promote supportive learning and the reversal of educational exclusion. The participation of the community counteracted the idea that neither Gypsy children nor their families were interested in education. The results from this study showed that the Gypsy children benefitted from the dialogic learning interactions and the

participation of their families; the increased participation and support from their families allowed the children to succeed educationally (Flecha & Soler, 2013).

The purpose of the study

To the best of the present researchers’ knowledge, the majority of the studies developed programs targeting Gypsy children (Flecha & Soler, 2013; Rosário et al., 2015). However, inclusive strategies for Gypsy students do not address the non-Gypsy peers’ negative attitudes towards Gypsy people. In fact, these programs may even reinforce the Gypsy people’s status as ‘outsiders’ as non-Gypsy peers may perceive the interventions as opportunities for Gypsy children to receive ‘special’ or ‘favorable treatment’ (Bhopal, 2011). Thus, by intervening directly in mainstream elementary school students and focusing on mainstream students, the present researchers expect to fill in the gap left by previous programs and add to extant literature. The researchers believe that changing the conceptions and perceptions linked to negative

stereotypes of mainstream children may help decrease discrimination towards Gypsy children and promote their inclusion at school. Hence, the present study, in agreement with the European initiatives to promote inclusion of the Gypsy community (ACIDI, 2013), aims to address this challenge.

The main goal of this study is to examine the effectiveness of a school-based video intervention program in terms of increasing the knowledge and decreasing the stigma of mainstream elementary school students towards the Gypsy community.

The target group of the intervention is the elementary school students. The researchers chose this setting and target group because previous investigations have shown that the age of primary school students may be the ideal phase to discuss attitudes; it is also the stage in which

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

11 children tend to participate in the discussions enthusiastically (Shah, 2004). A qualitative

research study that held discussions about stigmatized attitudes towards mental illness, with three different age groups (5-7, 7-9, and 9-11 years-old), revealed that the older children had more reluctance to talk about this topic and displayed negative attitudes (Shah, 2004). It is likely that the same pattern of attitudes applies in terms of the children’s views of Gypsies. Thus, it seems important to intervene in this age group, of ages 9 to 11, to promote attitudes of inclusion and acceptance of cultural diversity. Furthermore, it is at the elementary level of education that a high rate of school dropout is observed in this ethnic group (Greenberg, 2010). Efforts to decrease discrimination among non-Gypsy peers in this age group are likely to help increase the Gypsy children’s school engagement and decrease their early school dropout (Rosário et al., 2017).

In the present investigation, an educational video campaign will be shown to elementary school children with the aim of increasing their knowledge on Gypsy culture, traditions, and educational hopes. The choice of a video for the intervention is due to the fact that investigation shows the effectiveness in increase knowledge and decrease stigma towards others populations. In a recent study, parents of children with cerebral palsy were shown an educational film targeting specific aspects of the condition (e.g., etiology, management, role of parents) with the aim of increasing knowledge (Arora, Aggarwal, & Mittal, 2014). Results showed that the video program had a positive impact on parents’ knowledge about the condition and, consequently, on their behavior (Arora et. Al, 2014). Another study, with the aim to increase knowledge and improve attitudes towards people with disabilities in the workplace, shows the effectiveness of using presentations for these purposes (Hunt & Hunt, 2004). Thus, it is expected that by increasing knowledge among mainstream students through a video about Gypsy culture, their stigma will decrease and, hence, the inclusion of Gypsy children will be fostered.

Method

Participants

A total of 663 students from 34 classes of the 4th(56%) and 5th(44%) grades from schools in the north of Portugal were invited to participate. From this pool, 60 (9%) parents did not allow their child to participate in the study, and 62 (10.3%) students missed the second session or the follow-up session. Finally, 541 students ranging between the ages of 8 and 12 (M = 9.57; SD =

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

12 0.62) completed the study (response rate of 81.5%). Of these participants, 256 (47.4%) were female. Most of the participants were Portuguese (506, 94.2%) while the other participants identified themselves as Gypsy (11, 2%), Angolan (5, 0.9%), Brazilian (4, 0.7%), Ukrainian (3, 0.6%), and others ethnicities, with only one correspondent participant.

Instruments and Measures

Students were asked to fill in a socio-demographic questionnaire prior to the beginning of the campaign. Moreover, they completed two questionnaires that determined their level stigma and their attitude towards Gypsy people in three phases of the intervention: i) pre-test – one week before the video-training; ii) post-test – after the video training and post-it driven reflection group, and iii) follow-up – 3 months after the video training. The research assistants administered the instruments in class and the children took approximately 25 minutes to complete the pre-test and 15 minutes the post-test/follow-up questionnaires.

Socio-demographic Questionnaire. The participants were asked about their gender, age,

grade, and ethnicity.

Social Distance Scale. To assess the participants’ stigma towards Gypsy people, an

adapted version of the Social Distance Scale (Gillespie-Lynch et al., 2015), initially developed for assessing social distance towards a person with autism, was used. One item was excluded from the adapted scale because it did not apply to the population’s age of this study (i.e. How willing would you be to marry or date a person with autism?). The final scale consisted of five questions regarding the participants’ willingness to engage with a Gypsy person at various levels of intimacy (e.g., Do you mind to spend an afternoon socializing with someone who is a Gypsy?; Do you mind to have a Gypsy person marry into the family?). Responses to the individual items were scored from 1 (I care a lot) to 4 (I do not care at all) in a Likert-like scale and summed to create a composite stigma score that ranged from 5 to 20, with lower scores implying most stigma. A factor analysis with orthogonal rotation (varimax) was conducted. The 5 items of the scale load on one factor explaining 65.5% of the variance. The internal consistency of the final scale used in the present study was α = 0.85.

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

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Attitude Scale. An adapted version of the Attitude Scale (Martin et al., 2005), initially

developed to assess attitudes towards people with cerebral palsy, was used to assess children’s attitudes towards Gypsy people. Five items were excluded from the adapted scale because they did not apply to the population of this study (i.e. People with cerebral palsy should be expected to work if possible; Having a child with cerebral palsy would put the family at great disadvantage; People should not use the word ‘spastic’ as an insult; Parents of children with cerebral palsy should be as strict on them as they would be on other children; Having a child with cerebral palsy would be better than having no child at all.). The resulting scale consisted of 10 statements designed to evaluate attitudes, values, beliefs, and opinions about Gypsy people (e.g., Gypsy people can have a normal social life; I would feel uneasy talking to someone Gypsy). Nine of the questions that compose the scale are formulated in the negative form. Participants were asked to identify their level of agreement with each statement on a six-point Likert-like scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (6). The items are summed to create a composite attitude score that ranged from 10 to 60, with higher scores implying most positive attitudes. A factor analysis with orthogonal rotation (varimax) was conducted. The 10 items of the final scale load on one factor explaining 40.4% of the variance. The internal consistency of the scale used in the present study was α = 0.83.

Procedure

A pilot study with seven children was conducted to test for the effectiveness of the procedure and instruments. As a result, some items from the questionnaires had to be rephrased because the participating children did not understand the original phrasing. In terms of the actual study, the sessions occur in the participant’s classroom and are audio recorded. The pre-test takes place one week before the intervention, whereas the post-test took place immediately after

training. To verify if the changes in scores remain over time, a follow-up is conducted 3 months after the training. This process was conducted separately in the 34 classes, occurring between September and April.

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

14 Figure 1. Steps of the procedure.

Video Training. The video training has the goal of promoting Gypsies’ inclusion in

elementary school by providing facts about Gypsy mores and their experiences. The video was constructed specifically for this study. It consists of a 17-minute presentation that includes short messages from six Gypsy children explaining their culture mores and their feelings about their discrimination experiences. These youngsters were recruited through an NGO that works with the Gypsy community and their messages followed a pre-constructed script. The script included topics such as the importance of the family and music for the Gypsy people, the discrimination that Gypsies face in the school context, and in the community overall; and references to Gypsy people who are outstanding in their fields of expertise. Additionally, it includes clips from the TV series Snobs, which represents the reality of Portuguese Gypsy people. These clips were shown to the Gypsy community to which the children who participated in the video belonged, so authors can perceive if it is adjusted to their reality and do not transmit wrong messages. The video is organized by the following structure: cultural background, stigma towards Gypsy people, and examples of Gypsy people that excel in their profession. The video ends with the metaphorical question “What color are the flowers?” and the response the Gypsy children who partook in the video “All colors are important in the world of flowers.” This video finale is used to instill self-reflection in the participating mainstream children and act as a transition to the post-it driven group reflection.

Post-it driven group reflection. After the viewing of the video, each student receives a

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

15 remained after watching the video. Comments are anonymous in order to promote sincerity and avoid social desirability (i.e. responding how they expect the researcher wants them to respond or respond as their peers expect them to respond). After completing this task, the children then stick the post-it onto the board at the front of the classroom. The mediating researcher reads the written messages for the whole-class so that the entire group may reflect on the video and its main

messages. The children are encouraged by the researchers to comment on the messages read out loud (e.g., whether they agree or disagree with the opinion of their peers and why; what they think about the final question in the video about the color of the flowers). This activity is expected to foster children’s reflection on their actions and decisions towards cultural diversity. At these ages, the peer group becomes important in modeling opinions and behaviors (Rosário, Nuñes & Gonzáles-Pienda, 2007). Thus, listening their peers’ reflection may help challenge personal opinions.

Data Analysis

Factor analysis were conducted to the two scales that were adapted to the purposes of this study. Additionally, Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) for Repeated Measures was run to infer about changes in scores over time regarding the two variables under study: Social Distance and Attitudes.

Results

Two variables were used to evaluate the effectiveness of the intervention in three moments (pre-test, post-test, and follow-up): Social Distance from Gypsy people and Attitudes towards Gypsy people. Table 1 presents the descriptive data regarding the dependent variables during the three moments.

M SD N Social Distance T1 3.10 .714 541 Social Distance T2 3.22 .729 541 Social Distance T3 3.31 .575 541 Attitudes T1 Attitudes T2 4.22 .949 541 4.73 .807 541 Attitudes T3 4.68 .807 541

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

16

Social Distance

A visual inspection of the variable Social Distance (Table 1) in the three moments

indicates that participants’ scores increment progressively from the T1, to T2, and T3. This visual inspection was confirmed by the Multivariate Test. Results show a change in the tendency of scores in the three moments, with 11.2% of the variance explained (Wilks Lambda =.888; F2,539 = 33.91, p <.001, eta2 =.112). Moreover, the analysis shows that the type of tendency found is linear, with 11.2% of the variance explained (F1,540 = 67.812, p<.001, eta2 = .112). Therefore, it can be stated that exists statistically significant differences in self-reported values of Social Distance, as represented in the three moments in Figure 2.

Figure 2. Plot of means of Social Distance in three different moments.

Attitudes

Relative to the Attitudes scale, a visual inspection of the results of the three moments in Table 1 suggest that from T1 to T2, participants increase their scores; however, in T3, these scores decrease. The results of the Multivariate Test demonstrate a change in the tendency of scores for each of the three moments, with 30.8% of the variance explained (Wilks

Lambda=.692; F2,539 = 120.08, p<.001, eta2=.308). Moreover, the analysis shows that the type of

1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 T1 T2 T3 S oc ial Dis tan ce Moment

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

17 the tendency found is linear, with 23.8% of the variance explained (F1,540 = 168.663, p<.001, eta2 = .238). Therefore, it can be stated that statistically significant differences in self-reported values of Attitudes exist, as represented with the three moments in Figure 3.

Figure 3. Plot of means of Attitudes on three different moments.

Discussion

Despite all educational efforts and inclusive policies (ACIDI, 2013), school attendance and success is still a big challenge among Gypsy people (Frazer & Marlier, 2011). In order to face this problem, some programs have been developed and implemented by researchers to promote school engagement among Gypsy children, and so far, they have shown to be successful (e.g., Flecha & Soler, 2013; Rosário et al., 2015). However, these programs were all focused on the change of behaviors of Gypsy children; they did not address all of the factors that influence Gypsy’s nonattendance to school. Gypsy children’s nonattendance to school occurs not only because of their own behaviors and disengagement but because of the exclusion and

discrimination that is perpetuated by their peers and teachers (Derrington, 2005; Hert & Van, 2012; Lloyd & McCluskey, 2008).

1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 5,5 6 T1 T2 T3 At tit u d es Moment

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ATTITUDES TOWARDS GYPSIES

18 To fill this gap in research, this study aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of a school-based video intervention focused on decreasing social distance and promoting positive attitudes of mainstream 4th and 5th graders in regards to the Gypsy people.

The data confirms our hypotheses and shows the efficacy of the intervention to decrease social distance and increase the favorable attitudes towards Gypsy people. After the intervention, participants had less social distance (higher scores correspond to less Social Distance) and more positive attitudes towards Gypsy people when compared with data from pre-test. In terms of Social Distance, participants continued to decrease their Social Distance towards Gypsy people three months after the intervention. This can occur due the fact that, after the intervention, children continue to reflect on these issues of integration and do not mind to spend time with Gypsy people. In regards to the childrens’ Attitudes, the gains of the intervention began to vanish in the follow-up phase; however, their Attitudes’ were still better than the results from before the intervention. These findings are consistent with prior campaigns (e.g. Maldonado, Meléndez & Figueras, 2006; Biswal et al., 2014). For example, an educational campaign with the aim to improve hand hygiene in the hospital showed that there was an increase in the behavior one week after the campaign but then a decrease two years later, the results still being higher than the baseline behavior (Biswal et al., 2014). Another campaign designed to promote rational drug use and self-medication also showed a slight decrease in long-term knowledge compared with short-term, but this knowledge is still better when compared to the control group (Maldonado,

Meléndez & Figueras, 2006). Thus, conducting short, intensive educational interventions to decrease stigma and increase better attitudes is effective; however, it needs to be reinforced by continuous ongoing activities and education.

For reasons of parsimony, the content of the post-it’s of the group reflection will not be analyzed or discussed in depth in the present thesis. However, to deepen the understanding of the impact of the video-intervention on children, quotes of the post-it’s will be presented. The goal of this activity was to contribute to the interpretation of these findings. Some of the quotes include the following: “I think Gypsies are poorly treated and ridiculed. But we must comprehend that they are normal people like the rest of us, and we should not blame them for everything just because they look different from us”; “I learned that Gypsies are not as bad as I thought. They are children like us and they can be good and they can be our friends.”. These two statements do in fact show that there is a stigmatized idea of the Gypsy people. However, after the video training

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19 these children challenged their thinking about Gypsies. This reinforces the effectiveness of the video training program and the influence the content has to promote positive attitudes towards Gypsy people.

Our data stresses the power of a short-intervention based on a video to challenge attitudes of young people – being the sooner the better –, improving their openness and decreasing

associated social distance. Additionally, the present study suggests that the gains from this type of intervention may remain for long-term periods of time when reinforced with continuous actions. Thus, these results serve as a base to reflect in ways to promote the Gypsy inclusion in school’s practice. Thus, the researchers encourage the importance of students’ participation in these programs.

The national education program and curriculum goals are quite heavy, and teachers’ perception of the pressure to accomplish these objectives causes them to be reluctant to accept more projects into their classes. This factor presented itself as a challenge for the present study; i.e. during the recruitment, teachers expressed their lack of time to meet the curricular goals. However, a sufficient number of classes participated in the intervention, which reflects the perceived need of the scholar community to take actions to promote inclusion in schools. The researchers of this study propose that the programs that promote positive attitudes towards minorities can be incorporated in two ways: through curricular infusion and school-based programs. In terms of curricular infusion, teachers can integrate in their lessons materials with key aspects about diversity and work the subject matter simultaneously. For example, when teaching the English subject, teachers can use texts, videos, and writing assignments about Gypsy culture, or other minority, to have their students learn the language while reflecting on their own thinking and perceptions. In doing so, teachers can accomplish the curricular goals, promote the reflection about diversity, challenge some of their students’ beliefs. Relative to school-based programs, the video training could be used also to train teachers and parents. Reports suggest the need to sensitize teachers and school administrators to cultural diversity and, specifically, the value of Gypsy children’s cultural identity (OECD, 2011; Flecha & Soler, 2013). Prior research has reported close relationships between teachers’ beliefs regarding ethnic minority students, the interactions of minority students in class, and ethnic minority students’ school engagement (Martin, Fergus & Noguera, 2010). Teachers have an important role in transmitting values to their students, and this includes their views on the Gypsy people and culture.

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20

Limitations and future research

There are some limitations that need to be acknowledged. First, some parents (60, 9%) did not allow their children to participate in the project. Although this rate of drop out is low when compared with other similar studies (Rosário et al, 2016; Rosário et al, 2017), researchers believe that this could have occurred due to two factors: parents may not understand the real content and structure of the intervention and parents may find the theme of the intervention to be a sensitive subject. This discouragement can reflect the parent’s stigma towards Gypsy people. Glass & Bengtson (1986) suggest that parents have influence in their children’s attitudes

relatively to areas such as gender, politics, and religion. Therefore, it is possible that the attitudes of these parents towards Gypsy people reflect in the attitudes of their children, particularly for those who did not participate in the study. In future studies or interventions, it could be important to hold a meeting prior to the study with the invited parents to explain the intervention directly and ask for their consent to participate while avoiding the influence of outside factors such the their initial perceptions of the Gypsy community or their children’s teachers’ interpretation of the intervention.

Another limitation of this study is related to how children interpreted the questions in the questionnaires. Despite the pilot study and posterior adjustments, some children raised doubts about the meaning of the questions. This suggests that some participants did not understand what was requested, and this may have caused there to be a bias in their answers. The questionnaires items that raised doubts among the students needed to be refined to their language according to the developmental level of the target population of the intervention. In fact, when conducting studies with children as participants, it is important to pay attention to the language use, since the majority of the questionnaires are created for and by adults (Martin et al., 2005).

Further limitations of this study include the type of questions on the questionnaire and the intervention’s nature to propitiate social desirability bias. In terms of the questionnaire, it is unknown whether the participants answered the questions with socially desirable responses instead of choosing responses that reflect their true feelings and attitudes. Since the researchers spoke about have positive attitudes towards Gypsy people during the intervention, the children may have responded to the questionnaire according to what they thought the researcher would have wanted or expected.

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21 In future research, it is important to use a control group to understand whether changes in scores occurred due to the work of intervention or another factor. In fact, during the period between the three moments of assessment, children may have experiences with Gypsy people or not, so this factor could promote positive or negative attitudes towards this minority.

Future studies could also consider using other components. For example, future

researchers could study a placebo group by showing a video about other minorities and the same questionnaires about Gypsy people, to verify whether it also causes changes in attitudes scores towards Gypsy people. Another suggestion for future research is to compare the attitudes of children who have Gypsy colleagues to the attitudes of children who do not have Gypsy colleagues in order to understand whether the presence of Gypsy colleagues influences the overall stigma towards this minority. This knowledge can then be put towards promoting Gypsy inclusion. In terms of studies surrounding other minority groups, it seems important to analyze whether this type of video intervention could be effective in promoting positive attitudes towards other minorities (e.g., refuges). Future studies could also use observational measures to collect data on behavioral changes in the classroom or on the playground. In fact, it seems relevant to analyze the impact that this promotion of positive attitudes can have on behaviors of inclusion perpetuated by mainstream peers, i.e. whether the positive attitudes leads to more inclusive behaviors.

The present researchers hope that this study contributes to the launch of an innovative form of change directed at decreasing the stigmatized attitudes towards minorities.

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22

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Imagem

Table 1 . Descriptive data of the two dependent variables in the three moments.
Figure 2 . Plot of means of Social Distance in three different moments.
Figure 3 . Plot of means of Attitudes on three different moments.

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