Today's return of / to Mises is both tribute to the native of Lviv and continuation of the tradition launched by Ivan Franko. Paying attention to the importance of Mises's ideas and the importance of wide professional discussion for social progress, researchers from the Department of Political Sciences and Philosophy at the Lviv Regional Institute of Public Administration, the National Academy of Public Administration under the President of Ukraine, together with their colleagues from other Ukrainian and foreign institutions decided to launch a series of conferences under the title "Ludwig von Mises and Contemporary Societies". Volodymyr Zahorskyi, Director of the Lviv Regional Institute of Public Administration, corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Dr.
Antonina Kolodii, Chair ti Departamento ti Siensia ti Politika ken Pilosopia, Rehional nga Instituto ti Administrasion ti Publiko ti Lviv; Iryna Matsevko, Diputado a Direktor ti Sentro para iti Urbano a Pakasaritaan ti Daya-Sentral nga Europa; Roksolana Zorivchak, Chair ti Hryhoriy Kochur Departamento ti Panagadal ti Panagpatarus ken Kontrastibo a Lingguistika, Ivan Franko Nailian nga Unibersidad ti Lviv
Volodymyr Oliinyk as well as Ivan Bokalo, deputy of the Lviv District Council, whose assistance helped to realize this project.
СУСПІЛЬНА ТРАНСФОРМАЦІЯ ТА ЛІБЕРАЛЬНІ ПЕРСПЕКТИВИ
LIBERTARIAN PERSPECTIVES
The article highlights the important role that Mises' views play in the modern understanding of social values such as freedom, private ownership, human rights and justice, as well as the necessity of limiting the social function of the state and the recognition of the foundations of democracy. The paper is an attempt to reconstruct two concepts: "state capitalism" and "laissezfaire capitalism." In discussions, including academic ones, these two terms are used interchangeably, which can lead to difficulties in the interpretation of the causes as well as the nature of the last recession. However, the distinction presented in this article is based on a different criterion, namely the degree of state participation in the workings of capitalism.
It is simply a different perspective that is currently gaining popularity in American academic discourse, which is caused by the growing importance of libertarianism on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean. Juruś defines this type of libertarianism as a position which is based on the absolute right of property and also: (I) on the ethical level – the doctrine of natural law; (II) at the economic level – the theory of the Austrian school of economics; (III) at the political level – the 19th century anarchic individualism of Lysander Spooner, with an additional provision that. Laissezfaire capitalism, on the other hand, is a type of capitalism in which accumulation is not accelerated by the regulatory activity of the state, in fact it develops "alongside" the state, that is, in a hypothetical situation in which there is or is no state, or when the intervention of his involvement in economic processes is minimal, making him only a "night watchman".
The free market can be a foundation of capitalism: thanks to the primitive accumulation of capital, which becomes possible as a result of the fact that many market operations (exchanges) have taken place, certain subjects will be able to accumulate sufficient capital and thus play the role of the free market. capitalist. Long, an anarcho-capitalist, seems to think that even seemingly neutral actions on the part of the state benefit the corporation and reinforce the existing order of state capitalism. This need not be caused by any will on the part of the businessmen to build state capitalism, a concept with which many of them are unfamiliar.
ЕКОНОМІКА ТА ВЛАДА ECONOMICS AND POWER
This is one of the reasons why a system in which money is first taken away by taxation and then distributed by "democratic choice" goes elsewhere when people invest their own money. This is one of the reasons why a system in which money is first taken away by taxation and then distributed by "democratic choice" goes elsewhere when people invest their own money. This kind of distribution is consistent with justice from the point of view of the person making such decisions: someone pays for what they really, really want within their means.
The Enlightenment of the French Revolution, and also Leninism with its palaces of culture, is a way to finance cultural elites at the expense of other citizens. Some of those people will probably decide to spend those resources on high culture; some would even decide to open cultural performances for others, either as a way to offset some of the cost or as a benevolent activity. The reality of money as an expression of individual preferences is likely to be undermined not only by the financing of abstract preferences imposed by the state, but also by most other active state policies.
This change in approach has non-trivial implications for our understanding of the economy and its status. Finally, I draw attention to the relevance of objectivism about economic reality, inspired by the Austrian school, during the current crisis, which comes down to explaining the practical implications of the previous point. There are many rather romantic critiques of the above thesis coming from both the political left and the right.
Those on the left argue that economic reality conflicts with some kind of moral justice, often of an egalitarian nature. It is an a priori statement arising from the analysis of the nature of human economic activity, which has its own logic. One of the simplest questions that economics and business students struggle with is this: Do you think risk-averse, risk-seeking, or other strategies have the highest expected utility?
This leads to a situation where it may be more rational for economic actors, say the robber barons of 1900, to engage in oligopolistic practices. In the middle of the 20th century, a general theory of equilibrium was built, which is comparable in level of rigor to the most abstract parts of pure mathematics.
ЕКОНОМІЧНА ТА СОЦІАЛЬНА ПОЛІТИКА ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL POLICY
At the beginning of the last economic crisis, the topic of discussion was not so focused on this aspect. Lowering workers' wages was not an option in the 1930s (nor today), so Keynes proposed lowering real wages through a (constant) devaluation of money. Mises and Hayek thought that the same inflationary policy was the cause of the crisis.
Italians do not want to shake up the labor market, as youth unemployment is high. This is not self-evident, as it is political in the 1930s. His ideas clearly indicate a high degree of subsidiarity and non-centralization in the formation of the state.
Without a doubt, Mises always saw the economic impact of the freedom that decentralization can bring. The World Index of Economic Freedom, published by an international consortium of free market institutes (including the Friedrich Naumann Stiftung's Liberal Institute for Freedom), is the best known and most cited in the academic literature. Median incomes in the quartile of the most economically free countries are almost seven times higher than those of the least free countries.
It remains to be seen whether the World Economic Freedom Report's set of criteria is differentiated enough for the task. These were then assigned the average value of economic freedom according to the World Economic Freedom Index. IXf, under the impression of social reform administration in the USA in the sixties].
The component of federalism that matters for economic competition must first be isolated and can then be correlated with the corresponding criteria of Economic Freedom of the World. Contrasting the two models can provide useful insights in the context of the ongoing discussions on the reform of federalism in Germany. The following diagram again relates the individual point groups from 0 to 2 with the corresponding average value of the components.
It develops a model of social security within the national security of the state.
ПОЛІТИКА, ОРГАНІЗАЦІЙНА КУЛЬТУРА ТА СУСПІЛЬНІ ЦІННОСТІ
POLICY, ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE AND SOCIAL VALUES
Режим доступу: http://www.ser vicecanada.gc.ca/eng/home.shtml; Надання адміністративних послуг [Текст]: пед.-метод. Фахівці глобального консалтингового HR-холдингу Hewitt Associates вважають, що лише за критерієм включеності/емоційної залученості персоналу (employee Engagement) можна говорити не лише про прийняття та розуміння працівником цілей компанії, а й про його прагнення та зусилля для досягнення конкретних результатів8. Наказ НС України No 148 від
12 Методичні рекомендації щодо розроблення профілів професійної компетентності на посадах державної служби в державних органах [Електронний ресурс]: Наказ Нацслужби України № 148 від р. За сучасних умов пріоритетним напрямком формування організаційної культури органів державної влади є зосередитися на цінностях організаційної поведінки, таких як якість роботи та особистого життя та баланс роботи та особистого життя. Кейс-стаді був досвід канадських державних установ у формуванні основних характеристик клієнтоорієнтованої культури.
The authors summarized the components of the culture of excellence in the public service delivery model as well as of the emotional involvement of the staff. The authors elucidated main features for leadership development to create the service culture of public authorities. A conflict is a counter-action by one party against the 'violation of the boundaries' of the 'own' property by another party's activities.
Вони також склали огляд підходів до аналізу конфлікту з боку лібералізму, інституціоналізму та гештальту. На його думку, культурне народництво було важливою рисою сучасної української літератури з моменту її появи на початку XVIII – XIX ст.
