A changing society: new people, new norms

Modern British society is vastly different from that of the 19^th century. New alliances, globalisation, and technology have all contributed significantly to these shifts.

Nonetheless, there are foundational pillars, particularly from the Victorian era, that are almost impossible to eradicate. This is the basis for arguments regarding social values, the state of the nation, and the purpose of the union, among others. In his book, History of Britain, Jeremy Black says that British society went through three different stages of change: “resolution” after World War I, “decline” in the 1950s and 1960s with the fall of the empire; and “adaptability” to new ideas since the 1970s (ch. 12).

In between wars, when men were gone fighting for their country, women had to take charge and keep civilization functioning. As stated by Jeremy Black, "the late 1940s and 1950s saw a revival of prewar patterns" (A History of Britain, ch. 3) in an effort to continue living as before. After the Second World War, however, all parts and parts of society began to slowly change.

In the 1950s, multiculturalism spread throughout British territory. The passage of the British Nationality Act of 1948, which gave freedom of entry to anyone from the colonies who wanted to move to the motherland, led to massive migration waves, such as the “Windrush generation.” The British were by no means unfamiliar with immigration.

From one of the home nations, Europe, or the white colonies, migration has been present in British society for centuries. In contrast, the British were unfamiliar with non-white immigration, or at least those who had never lived in the colonies. Black says that by the 1960s, Muslim immigration was numerous and the coexistence of many cultures in the same area fostered discriminating attitudes. “The net effect was a major change in individual communities in Britain and a challenge to traditional assumptions about nationhood” (A History of Britain, ch. 3). The Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962,

which imposed new limitations on acquiring British citizenship, was prompted by growing worries about coexistence. This intolerance, which was masked as acceptance by the passage of many parliamentary acts on the regulation of immigrant influx, will be revealed by the Brexit vote. Nevertheless, Black states that, despite the fact that the population grew steadily over time, “These changes posed issues of acculturation, toleration, and mutual tolerance. These issues created stress, but at the very same time, they were also handled with less difficulty than might have been anticipated” (ch. 3).

One of the several alterations to the British status quo was multiculturalism, which fostered the formation of new identities and cultures through intercultural encounters. In light of new definitions of society, race, the individual, and the collective, Victorian values were vanishing. Even though British society remained highly stratified throughout the second half of the 20^th century, visual class indicators became less prevalent. The introduction of TV into British homes changed not only how families worked, but also how people dealt with different problems, including politics.

The introduction of ITV in 1955 influenced the public’s perception of itself. The channel’s popularity was strengthened by the Americanization of British audiences through soap operas and movies, which brought new ideals about family structure and ambitions. Due to televised matches, television has also enabled more people to watch sports. The chance to engage in the same event with other citizens from throughout the nation also contributed to the community significance of sports. In Britishness, popular music, and national identity: the Making of Modern Britain (2013), Irene Morra claims that music in Britain, notably pop music, is also a motif in the formation of a national identity. In fact, The Beatles’ emergence in the 1960s helped popularise the working-class struggle and sentiment that were also carried on television via “kitchen sink dramas.” By becoming mainstream, the working-class became an integral part of the

communal identity of Britain; it was no longer ignored (at least culturally). Moreover, Morra says, the counterculture continued to expand through the music and performances of artists such as David Bowie and the Sex Pistols, who provided insight into shifting gender roles and the new ways people communicated their political viewpoints: “[pop was] a defining folk language, where music articulates an essential and consistent mode of expression, a shared social experience, and common popular values” (Morra 53).

In Britain, politics was the centre of life, and it was frequently the cause of societal upheavals. Therefore, the influence politics had on how the country developed up until the present is undeniable. The development of Britain as a modern state involved many politicians, but Margaret Thatcher’s (1925–2013) contribution to the formation of both the UK and of Europe cannot be disputed. Other political agendas, with the exception of the Brexit vote in 2016, are unlikely to have changed the UK the way Thatcher’s did.

According to A. Chochia et al., “her beliefs are still accepted by many people today, notwithstanding the current crisis in European integration” (Brexit 123). Europe and the United Kingdom's first female Prime Minister were examples of how gender norms in British society were shifting. In 1959, the Prime Minister was elected to the House of Commons. From 1970 to 1974, she served as Secretary of State for Education and Science. From 1979 to 1990, she led the Conservative Party and served as Prime Minister.

Her premiership was tumultuous, and that time in British politics is known as

“Thatcherism.” Thatcher promoted the separation of the individual from the state (she thought “society” did not exist, merely a collection of individual men and women), and her policies were primarily motivated by economic considerations. She advocated for an independently governed economy, much like Adam Smith. Her economic policies significantly disrupted society because unemployment and inflation skyrocketed, which made the British population, especially those of lower means (around 45% of Britons

identified as working-class), disliked her. Other Thatcherism-era policies aimed to curb the authority of workers' unions by limiting their rights to strike. Hugo Young, writing for The Encyclopaedia Britannica, states that “by the end of Thatcher’s second term, few aspects of British life had escaped the most sweeping transformation of Britain since the postwar reforms of the Labour Party” (“Margaret Thatcher”).

However, economic reform was not the only aspect of Thatcherism. The Iron Lady demanded a return to Victorian ideals, saying, “I was asked whether I was trying to restore Victorian values. I said straight out I was. And I am.” (“Margaret Thatcher” in Oxford Reference), which stressed fervent nationalism, traditional family values (the nuclear family as opposed to the “blended family,” which has become the norm in British households due to the rising divorce rate), and improving one’s life via hard labour (much linked to her personal life). Thatcher’s insistence on Victorian values (at least in terms of attitude), which she described as “(…) the values when our country became great, but not only did our country become great internationally, so much progress was made in this country” (TV Interview for London Weekend Television Weekend World [“Victorian Values”]), was not appropriate for an evolving society like 1980s Britain, where, for example, sexuality was being explored, both on and off TV. According to this line of reasoning, Thatcher added Section 28 to the “Local Government Act of 1988,” which has since remained in place and reads, “Prohibition on promoting homosexuality by teaching or by publishing material” (legislation.gov.uk). Her lack of popularity may have been caused by things she did that seemed to turn back the clock in a society that was always changing.

The former Prime Minister also got involved in contentious international issues, such as the Falklands War, the European integration project, the former colony of Rhodesia’s (now Zimbabwe’s) independence, and the sanctions against apartheid. In

1990, after her own party challenged her leadership, Thatcher resigned as prime minister and head of the Conservative Party. John Major took over as leader of the party shortly after.

Even though Thatcher’s government was harsh and unpopular with many, it was not as turbulent and controversial as Major’s. He supported a classless society and shared Thatcher’s desire for a revival of Victorian ideals. A recession was ultimately brought on by Major’s campaign pledge to cut taxes, which was also a result of the over three million unemployed people left over from the previous administration. Black Wednesday occurred during Major’s administration as well. The United Kingdom left the Exchange Rating Mechanism on September 16, 1992, because it was unable to keep the value of the pound at the minimal needed level. In one of the worst economic crises in British history, millions of pounds were spent to stabilise the currency at the time. Along with the scandals surrounding Major’s cabinet, the Conservative party and Major themselves lost the support of the British electorate, which consistently supported Labour until 2005. Not even the victory of the Iraq war was enough to sustain another conservative government.

Thatcherism also had an effect on Tony Blair. The opposition’s “one nation conservatism” was directly opposed by “New Labour,” a fresh viewpoint for the Labour party that would now accept market economics and break from a rigidly socialist approach to governance. Anne Applebaum remarks that “Tony Blair recognised that socialism had ceased to be a real option in a world where so much of policy is dictated by international markets” (“A Transformed Political Landscape” 54). In an effort to keep Britain modern, Blair managed the finances, reduced unemployment, and oversaw the devolution of power to Wales and Scotland. As a result, the Scottish Parliament was reopened, and the Welsh Assembly was established. Labour was in the cabinet for a second term because the people hadn't yet forgotten about the disastrous Major

government. According to Jeremy Black, Labour’s second mandate was more difficult because, in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, diversity was once more a sore issue. “The febrile atmosphere of July 2005 highlighted worries that Britain’s traditional tolerance, and especially the openness to immigrants and multiculturalism, might be sowing the seeds for mass destruction or at least large-scale murder,” the author claims, invoking the substantial Muslim population in Britain, particularly in London (A History of Britain, ch. 4). After Blair was replaced by Brown in 2005, Britain once again had faith in the Conservative Party.

The electorate, dissatisfied with the new Labour PM, relied on David Cameron as their leader up until his infamous departure following the 2016 Brexit referendum. From 2010 to 2016, during Cameron’s two terms in office, Britain saw significant economic and social transformation. His policies focused on public spending as well as stabilising the economy, encouraging the creation of new employment, and enacting the National Living Wage following the 2008 global financial crisis. In terms of society, he strongly supported the 2013 Marriage Act, which recognised same-sex unions in England and Wales (an Act later passed in Scotland, but not Northern Ireland) (“UK Parliament”), in stark contrast to Margaret Thatcher’s views in an earlier Britain. He also committed to green measures in the name of sustainability.

However, this is also the moment when the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) grows in popularity, allowing separatist and eurosceptic tendencies to resurface.

The party, which was established in the 1990s, did not receive much support from the electorate in its earlier stages. However, by the 2010 election, UKIP had received 3.1%

of the national vote (BBC News), with stronger support felt in England, where it received 3.5% of the vote (BBC News). These rising numbers are directly tied to the working-class’s sense of abandonment by both the Conservatives and Labour, which led them to

join right-wing groups to have their demands met. Due to its quick rise among the public, the party was considered by Ford and Goodwin to be one of the most successful in English politics (“Britain After Brexit: A Nation Divided” 22).

Questions about nationalism, immigration restrictions, and Britain’s dependence on Europe resonate in Britain more than ever. Politics was especially sensitive to the Scottish question as it was overshadowing English nationalism. Gavin Esler writes in How Britain Ends:

David Cameron at least recognized that English nationalists had begun to find their voice, even if they could not find representation through UKIP at Westminster. By late 2015 Cameron had switched his focus away from Scottish nationalism, which now could be ignored, to English nationalism, which could not. (ch. 2)

UKIP’s call for departure from the European Union in the name of British sovereignty over their own state, which represented an attack on policies and impositions from Brussels that were perceived as a supranational ruling of Britain, prompted Cameron to pledge a referendum on the issue if he were to win the 2015 general election. After the Conservatives’ unexpected success, this promise, which was made solely to appease the growing number of eurosceptics (Applebaum 53), was fulfilled. The UK opted to leave the European Union on June 23, 2016. David Cameron quit as prime minister and leader of the Conservatives after campaigning for remain. This led to a democratic and social crisis in the United Kingdom (Applebaum 53).