The Olival do Senhor dos Mártires necropolis (Alcácer do Sal, Portugal) in the context of the Iron Age funerary practices of the southwestern Iberian Peninsula.

Texto

(1)Death as Archaeology of Transition: Thoughts and Materials Papers from the II International Conference of Transition Archaeology: Death Archaeology 29th April – 1st May 2013 Edited by. Leonor Rocha Primitiva Bueno-Ramirez Gertrudes Branco. BAR International Series 2708 2015.

(2) Published by Archaeopress Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England bar@archaeopress.com www.archaeopress.com. BAR S2708 Death as Archaeology of Transition: Thoughts and Materials Papers from the II International Conference of Transition Archaeology: Death Archaeology, 29th April –– 1st May 2013 © Archaeopress and the individual authors 2015. ISBN 978 1 4073 1359 7. Printed in England by Information Press, Oxford All BAR titles are available from: Hadrian Books Ltd 122 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7BP England. www.hadrianbooks.co.uk. The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print, prices and means of payment is available free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com.

(3) CONTENTS. PREFACE............................................................................................................................................................................................ v DEATH IN THE CAVE. HUMAN REMAINS FROM THE UPPER PALEOLITHIC IN THE IBERIAN PENINSULA.......1 Rodrigo de Balbín Behrmann A LAPA DO SONO (SESIMBRA, PORTUGAL) – NEWS ABOUT A NEOLTIHIC FUNERARY CONTEXT ...........29 Rosário Fernandes, Pablo Arias, Mariana Diniz, Frederico Tátá, Paulo Rodrigues, Leonor Rocha LE MÉGALITHISME ATLANTIQUE : UNE ILLUSOIRE TENTATIVE DE DOMESTICATION DU TEMPS ET DE L’ESPACE ?........................................................................................................................................................................35 Luc Laporte, avec la collaboration de Yan Bernard GRAPHIC PROGRAMMES AS IDEOLOGICAL CONSTRUCTION OF THE MEGALITHS: THE SOUTH OF THE IBERIAN PENINSULA AS CASE STUDY......................................................................................................................51 P. Bueno Ramirez, R. de Balbín Behrmann, R. Barroso Bermejo TIEMPO Y PAISAJE EN LA NECRÓPOLIS MEGALÍTICA DE GUADANCIL (CÁCERES).....................................71 Enrique Cerrillo Cuenca, Raquel Liceras Garrido, Jairo Naranjo Mena, Alicia Prada Gallardo, Ivo Santos ANTHROPOMORPHIC IMAGES AS ORIGINS OF ANCESTOR’S “CAVES”. THE STELE-MENHIR OF ANTA DO TELHAL, ARRAIOLOS. EVORA. PORTUGAL..............................................................................................................83 P. Bueno Ramirez, R. de Balbín Behrmann, L. Rocha, J. Oliveira SITES DE PASSAGE (3). LA REPRÉSENTATION DE L’ARC AU COURS DU VE MILLÉNAIRE D’APRÈS LES STÈLES DE BRETAGNE, DES ÎLES ANGLO-NORMANDES ET DE L’ALENTEJO ...............................................95 Serge Cassen, Laurent Lescop, Valentin Grimaud, Pedro Alvim, Philip de Jersey THE ROLE OF CHILDREN IN LATE NEOLITHIC. MULTIPLE BURIALS IN RATZERSDORF/AUSTRIA..........127 Karin Wiltschke-Schrotta LES PRATIQUES MORTUAIRES DU NÉOLITHIQUE RÉCENT EN ALSACE: L’EXEMPLE DU SITE DE GOUGENHEIM (FRANCE, BAS-RHIN).......................................................................................................................131 P. Lefranc, H. Réveillas, Y. Thomas DES TRIBUS AUX CHEFFERIES DANS LES ÎLES ORCADES (ECOSSE)..............................................................145 Christophe Sévin-Allouet ENTERRAMIENTOS INDIVIDUALES Y ENTERRAMIENTOS COLECTIVOS EN NECRÓPOLIS DEL MEGALITISMO AVANZADO DEL INTERIOR: LA CUEVA 9 DE VALLE DE LAS HIGUERAS. TOLEDO..........165 Rosa Barroso Bermejo, Primitiva Bueno Ramírez, Antonio Vázquez Cuesta, Armando González Martín, Leonor Peña Chocarro i.

(4) CHILDREN OF THE GRAVE: CONTRIBUTION OF NON-ADULT INDIVIDUALS IN SOME HUMAN OSTEOLOGICAL SERIES FROM COLLECTIVE BURIALS IN THE LATE PREHISTORY OF THE IBERIAN PENINSULA....................................................................................................................................................................177 Claudia Cunha, Ana Maria Silva, Daniela Pereira, Tiago Tomé, Joana Paredes, Catarina Cabrita “AJUARES A LA MUERTE DE LOS NIÑOS”: EVOLUCIÓN DE LAS OFRENDAS FUNERARIAS EN LAS TUMBAS INFANTILES ENTRE EL NEOLÍTICO Y EL CALCOLÍTICO DEL INTERIOR PENINSULAR...............................189 Ana Mercedes Herrero-Corral DÓLMENES, CISTAS Y MENHIRES EN LA ESTACIÓN MEGALÍTICA DE GORBEIA (PAÍS VASCO): DISTRIBUCIÓN GEOGRÁFICA Y SECUENCIA FUNERARIA.................................................................................197 Juan Carlos López Quintana THE FUNERARY MEGALITHIC OF HERDADE DAS MURTEIRAS (ÉVORA, PORTUGAL): THE (RE) USE OF THE SPACES...................................................................................................................................................................221 Leonor Rocha THE FUNERARY SETTINGS OF SEZIMBRA´S NATURAL CAVES (ARRÁBIDA, PORTUGAL).........................231 Rosário Fernandes FUNERARY PRACTICES AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL DATA FROM THE NEOLITHIC HIPOGEA FROM OUTEIRO ALTO 2 (PRELIMINARY RESULTS)..........................................................................................................239 Ana Maria Silva, Ana Isabel Fernandes, António Valera, Vítor Filipe LATE NEOLITHIC PIT BURIALS FROM PERDIGÕES ENCLOSURE (PORTUGAL): PRELIMINARY RESULTS OF THE PALEOBIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE EXHUMED HUMAN BONES ................................................245 Ana Maria Silva, Inês Leandro, António Valera, Daniela Pereira, Cristina Afonso LA NECRÓPOLIS DE CUEVAS ARTIFICIALES DE LOS ALGARBES (TARIFA, CÁDIZ). ALGUNAS REFLEXIONES SOBRE ARQUEOLOGÍA FUNERARIA EN EL ÁMBITO DEL ESTRECHO DE GIBRALTAR................................251 Vicente Castañeda Fernández, Iván García Jiménez, Fernando Prados Martínez, Yolanda Costela Muñoz VARIABILIDAD FUNERARIA EN LAS SOCIEDADES DEL III MILENIO EN EL SECTOR SEÑORÍO DE GUZMÁN DE VALENCINA-CASTILLEJA (SEVILLA).................................................................................................................257 Pedro Manuel López Aldana, Ana Pajuelo Pando, Juan Carlos Mejías-García, Mª Rosario Cruz-Auñón Briones LA NECRÓPOLIS DEL III MILENIO DE “EL SEMINARIO” (HUELVA). ORGANIZACIÓN ESPACIAL, CONTEXTOS Y PRÁCTICAS FUNERARIAS.......................................................................................................................................275 José Antonio Linares Catela, Juan Carlos Vera Rodríguez THE TUMULI OF SELADA DO CAVALO (SERRA VERMELHA, COUNTY OF OLEIROS, DISTRICT OF CASTELO BRANCO)........................................................................................................................................................................291 João Carlos Caninas, Fernando Robles Henriques, José Luis Monteiro, Francisco Henriques, Mário Monteiro, Emanuel Carvalho. ii.

(5) CONSIDERATIONS ABOUT BURIALS AND FUNERARY PRACTICES IN GEOMETRIC ARGOS, GREECE (FROM CA. 900 TO 700 B.C.E.).....................................................................................................................................307 Camila Diogo de Souza PRATIQUES ET MONUMENTS FUNÉRAIRES PROTOHISTORIQUES EN ALGÉRIE: UN PATRIMOINE PLURIEL EN PÉRIL.........................................................................................................................................................................319 Hocine Rassoul, Mohamed Dahli THE OLIVAL DO SENHOR DOS MÁRTIRES NECROPOLIS (ALCÁCER DO SAL, PORTUGAL) IN THE CONTEXT OF THE IRON AGE FUNERARY PRACTICES OF THE SOUTHWESTERN IBERIAN PENINSULA....................327 Francisco B. Gomes THE PREFERENCE FOR INHUMATION AT THE ROMAN NECROPOLISES FROM THE THIRD AND FOURTH CENTURIES A.D. IN PENAFIEL MUNICIPALITY (NORTH OF PORTUGAL)........................................................343 Teresa Soeiro CIMETIÈRES ET PRATIQUES FUNÉRAIRES DES COMMUNAUTÉS JUIVES MÉDIÉVALES : CONFRONTATION DES DONNÉES ARCHÉOLOGIQUES ET TEXTUELLES..........................................................................................357 Philippe Blanchard, Patrice Georges ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE DEATH PENALTY IN ALENTEJO - PORTUGAL..........................................................367 Jorge de Oliveira, Ana Cristina Tomás. iii.

(6) THE OLIVAL DO SENHOR DOS MÁRTIRES NECROPOLIS (ALCÁCER DO SAL, PORTUGAL) IN THE CONTEXT OF THE IRON AGE FUNERARY PRACTICES OF THE SOUTHWESTERN IBERIAN PENINSULA Francisco B. Gomes ABSTRACT The Olival do Senhor dos Mártires necropolis (Alcácer do Sal, Portugal) is one of the most relevant sites for the discussion of the Iron Age of Southern Portugal and, more specifically, of the funerary practices of that period in this territory. Unfortunately, and due to several circumstances, the available data is very incomplete and riddled with uncertainties. As an attempt to minimize these limitations, an integral study of the material from the necropolis is now underway; we present it here briefly, preceded by a global exposition of the research history and a cursive discussion of the available data. Key words: Olival do Senhor dos Mártires; Iron Age; necropolis; funerary practices; Phoenician colonization.. RESUMO O Olival do Senhor dos Mártires (Alcácer do Sal, Portugal) constitui um dos referentes fundamentais no estudo da Idade do Ferro no Sul de Portugal e, mais especificamente, das práticas funerárias sidéricas neste território. Infelizmente, e por vicissitudes várias, os dados disponíveis são muito lacunares e suscitam numerosas incertezas. Como tentativa de minimizar essas lacunas, encontra-se actualmente em curso um projecto de estudo integral do espólio da necrópole, que aqui apresentamos sucintamente, precedido de uma exposição global da história da investigação e uma discussão sumária dos dados disponíveis. Palavras-chave: Olival do Senhor dos Mártires; Idade do Ferro; necrópole; práticas funerárias; colonização fenícia.. «…“Olival do Senhor dos Mártires” - deliciosa chapada verde salpicada de árvores seculares, onde os poentes maravilhosos de Alcácer evocam paisagens magrebinas, andaluzas e provençais...» (Correia, 1928: 169-170). 1. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS1 Known since the late 19th century the necropolis of Olival do Senhor dos Mártires (OSM) in Alcácer do Sal has played a central role in the research regarding the oriental presence in southern Portuguese Iron Age and even in the broader frame of the analysis of the Phoenician colonization in the Iberian Peninsula (Arruda, 1999-2000: 72-86; 2009). The data obtained in this funerary site constitutes furthermore an almost mandatory reference in any approach to the funerary practices of the communities that in the early 1st millennium BCE came in contact with the merchants and colonists arriving from the Eastern Mediterranean (Torres Ortiz, 1999: 114-115; Arruda, 2004; 2009). The trajectories that led to the current state of our knowledge regarding this necropolis were, however, quite complex. The history of its discovery and of the ensuing research has already been addressed (Paixão, 1970: 2542; Fabião, 1998: 350-351; cf. tb. infra) and it helps in no small measure to explain the numerous gaps that still subsist, despite the best efforts of recent research, in the reconstruction of the site’s cultural sequence and even in the establishment of its chronological parameters. UNIARQ – Centro de Arqueologia da Universidade de Lisboa; Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia. 1. The present contribution is produced in the context of an ongoing project that aims at the exhaustive study of the archaeological materials recovered in the necropolis during the different episodes of fieldwork it has known. As such, more than a presentation of results or a detailed synthesis, this paper aims at presenting the starting coordinates of the project and some preliminary reflections generated both from the empiric study of the archaeological material and from an indispensable analysis of the (scarce) contexts to which they may be attributed. To that effect, this outline of a synthesis has been structured following three broad lines: first, a general and necessarily cursory panorama of the research history on this necropolis is presented, which we think is indispensable to establish the starting coordinates of the aforementioned project; in a second point, the question of the cultural coordinates of the site is addressed, focusing on the analysis of the sepulchral typology that have been documented there and on the discussion of selected aspects of the material culture; finally, a brief summary of the ongoing work is presented, completed with an advance of the main perspectives for the study of the necropolis. 2. THE OLIVAL DO SENHOR DOS MÁRTIRES: A BRIEF HISTORY OF RESEARCH As stated before, the peculiar history of the discovery of the necropolis and of the ensuing research there undertaken as already been the object of several synthesis (Paixão,. 327.

(7) DEATH AS ARCHAEOLOGY OF TRANSITION 1970: 25-42; Rouillard et al., 1988-1989: 46-50; Fabião, 1998: 350-351) which allow to explain with relative ease the disperse and incomplete nature of the information available to address the study of this funerary ensemble. The discovery of the necropolis took place in 1874 when the clearing and levelling of an area of the site to build a thrashing-floor resulted in the discovery, near the surface, of a large quantity of artefacts that were presented as early as 1875 by J. Possidónio da Silva, then president of the Real Associação dos Architectos Civis e Archeólogos Portuguezes, including, according to his report, swords, “lachrymatory vases”, lamps and coins, apart from four attic vases used as cinerary urns (Silva, 1875). Another report is given by Estácio da Veiga, who in his Antiguidades Monumentaes do Algarve publishes a brief digest of those early finds (Veiga, 1890: 266-273). The impact of the discovery in the national and international scientific circles of the time was very important, but the systematic exploration of the area and the implementation of a controlled archaeological intervention were made unfeasible at that time due to the breach of the obligations assumed by the State in the process of acquisition of the 1875 finds, which caused a dispute with the owner of the land in which the site is located and hindered and additional action of archaeological reconnaissance (Fabião, 1998: 350-351). There are however some notices of the appearance of new pieces in 1894-5, this time in the context of the opening of ditches for the planting of a vineyard. These new finds, which will have been deposited in the then recently constituted local museum (Baptista, 1896), appear however to date mostly to the Roman period, and must be connected to the High Empire funerary area that has been documented in an adjacent area and which partially overlaps with the Iron Age necropolis (Paixão, 1970: 92; 1979; 1981). This precocious discovery notwithstanding, and the remarkable interest elicited by the material discovered in the OSM, it was not until 1925, fifty years after the initial identification of the site, that the first systematic archaeological interventions were undertaken, under the direction of Vergílio Correia (Correia, 1925a; 1925b; 1925c; 1928; 1930). The first campaign conducted by the Professor of the University of Coimbra took place between February and April of 1925, having the results been cursorily published in that same year (Correia, 1925a). This first phase of the fieldwork will have corresponded, in his own words, to “…the preliminary test trenches opened, here, there, in the vast area of the «Olival do Senhor dos Mártires»2 (Correia, 1928: 170), and allowed to confirm the existence of an incineration necropolis, “…. safe for some rare, almost unexplainable exceptions…”3 (Correia, 1925a: 155), of predominantly (but seemingly not exclusively) pre-roman chronology. The existence of different layers of burials, later confirmed, seems to have become apparent since these early interventions (Correia, 1928: 169). The excavation was resumed in the Fall of that same year, and new campaigns took place in the Springs of 1926 and 1927 (Correia, 1928:170) covering an area that is currently difficult to assess, although seemingly vast. V. Correia mentions, in passing, that one hundred tombs were excavated during these four campaigns; we have however reason to believe that the number was significantly higher, since there are materials exhumed in this period in the Museu Nacional de Arqueologia in Lisbon attributed to tombs up to «Tomb 163», which could suggest that the Professor of the University of Coimbra may indeed have excavated a much larger number of funerary contexts. There are, in the summary but illuminating works published by V. Correia, some relevant data concerning the topography of the necropolis that are worth mentioning. First of all, it should be stressed that the interventions undertaken by that researcher allowed to identify the existence of preserved levels beneath the area affected by the agricultural works of 1874 (Correia, 1925a: 156). It was possible, therefore, to document that “...there were in that zone two levels of burials…”4, as well as the very significant fact that “…precisely only in that [area] there were two tiers of tombs…”5 (Correia, 1928: 171). Another fundamental contribution made by this researcher to the knowledge of the site and of its sequence of use consisted in the documentation and typification of four distinctive types of funerary depositions (idem: 172; cf. infra), to which he provides us with some data relating to the materials associated to which type and to their topographic and stratigraphic position, data which are however, unfortunately, far from being as clear as would be desirable. In fact, the reorientation of the research interests of Professor Vergílio Correia who since 1929 will turn his attention to the roman city of Conimbriga, where he will undertake important work in the following decades (Fabião, 2011: 174) as well as his premature death have dictated that the bulk of the data and material retrieved by him in the OSM remained unpublished. The information contained in his publications, both relating to the fieldwork (Correia, 1925a; 1928) and to concrete artifactual categories (Correia, 1925b; 1925c; 1930), although they became the main referent to the analysis of the site, is very cursory and presents many gaps, a fact that is in the. “Salvo raras, quási inexplicáveis excepções…” “Houve naquela zona duas camadas de enterramentos...” 5 “... precisamente só nesse existiram dois andares de sepulturas...” 3 4. “…às sondagens preliminares realizadas, aqui, ali, na vasta área do «Olival do Senhor dos Mártires…” 2. 328.

(8) Francisco B. Gomes: THE OLIVAL DO SENHOR DOS MÁRTIRES NECROPOLIS origin of many of the interpretation problems regarding the necropolis that remain to solve until today.. to light the archaeological material exhumed during the several excavation episodes the necropolis has known.. In the following decades the main contributions to the knowledge of the site consisted mostly of the study and publication of some of the material exhumed in the 19th century and in the 1920’s. We can cite the work of Mª. de L. Costa Arthur (1951), who publishes a collection of materials owned by Professor Francisco Gentil, of Mª. H. da Rocha Pereira (1962), who produces the first exhaustive study of the Greek pottery, of F. de Almeida and O. da Veiga Ferreira (1962), who study some of the belt clasps, and in particular of W. Schüle (1969) who undertakes the first publication and systematization of the material from the necropolis, with particular emphasis on the metallic pieces.. We therefore count today with substantial studies regarding the fibulae (Ponte, 1985) and the Greek pottery (Rouillard et al., 1988-1989), apart from the publication of specific ceramic pieces (Frankenstein, 1997: 321-333) or the typological revision of the weaponry (Quesada Sánz, 1997).. This last study, by allowing for a first broad typological approach to numerous and diversified materials, constitutes an important contribute to the chrono-cultural framing of the site; the absence of context for many of the studied material, and the imprecisions detected in the contextual attribution of others (Fabião, 1998: 360), have impaired the reach of its conclusions. Also in the late 1960’s the OSM was, on the other hand, the object of new archaeological interventions, directed this time by A. Cavaleiro Paixão. The results of this new campaign were made known in that researcher’s Bachelor Thesis (Paixão, 1970), in which the pottery from the old excavations was also studied, while the metal pieces from said campaigns were analyzed in another Bachelor Thesis by Mª. A. de Ascensão e Brito (1968). The cited work by A. Cavaleiro Paixão (1970) gives a complete account of the excavation of seven rock-cut tombs (idem: 78-88); the diversity of funerary solutions documented by V. Correia was not, however, detected in the newly excavated area, and the new interventions have not solved therefore some of the questions regarding the sequence of said solutions (cf. infra). New campaigns of excavation undertaken by the same researcher during the late 1970’s and the early 1980’s remain, to a great extent, unpublished, except for a note regarding the tomb designated 22/80 (Paixão, 1983); in it, however, a full plant of the excavated area was published, in which at least twenty-seven tombs can be counted with more or less certainty. Once again, however, some of the tomb types defined by V. Correia seem to have been absent, which could be related to his mention, cited above, that the existence of two layers of tombs was restricted to the area affected by agricultural work in 1874 (Correia, 1928: 171). Before concluding this brief summary it is indispensable to mention a number of significant studies that, from the 1980’s until the beginning of this century, have brought. More recently research has attempted to systematize in a more comprehensive way the available information regarding the site, which is abundant but very fragmentary and frequently devoid of context attempting to infer as to the relation between the different types of tombs and consequently to reconstruct the sequence of use of this funerary site. These works, in particular those of C. Fabião (1998: 350369) and A. M. Arruda (1999-2000: 72-86; 2004), have allowed to establish coherent hypothesis to order the diversified sepulchral and artifactual realities of the OSM but were faced, once again, by the extensive gaps in the available information; the discussion regarding these questions which are fundamental for a correct assessment of the historical meaning of the necropolis thus remain to a certain extent open. To that discussion we will turn, in the following pages, our attention. 3. THE CULTURAL COORDINATES OF THE NECROPOLIS: DATA AND PROBLEMS. One of the more striking aspects of the funerary practices documented in the OSM is their significant diversity which appears to translate not just an evolution justified by its long period of use but also the actual complexity of the human groups that have deposited their dead there, be that complexity social, cultural or of other unknown nature. As mentioned above we owe the realization of this diversity mostly to V. Correia; in effect, that researcher had not only the opportunity to excavate, as previously said, a large number of funerary deposits but also to document sepulchral types that have not been identified in more recent interventions. That broad and representative documental base allowed him to establish a typology for the tombs he excavated which remains today as a fundamental coordinate for the comprehension of the sequence of use and for the discussion on the chrono-cultural setting of the necropolis. Therefore, the 1st Type established by that researcher is characterized by the presence of an “…urn or ossuary vase containing remains of ashes and burnt bones, deposited at little depth…” (Correia, 1928: 172), thus encompassing tombs that correspond to the ritual of incineration in an ustrinum with secondary deposition of the ashes in an urn.. 329.

(9) DEATH AS ARCHAEOLOGY OF TRANSITION To this same ritual must correspond the tombs of the 2nd Type, in which the urn would be, however, deposited “… isolated over the rock at the bottom of the ground, or in a concavity especially open in that bottom…”6 (ibidem), diverging therefore from the previous type due to their topographic position, but also by the type of material associated to them (cf. infra). The 3rd Type, in turn, is defined as a “…funerary deposit composed of the remains of the cremation firewood, residues of bones and ashes (…) al left with no side guard in the very ground of the body’s combustion…”7 (ibidem), thus corresponding to the ritual of in situ incineration, in this case in a fosse opened in the soil and/or in the base rock. Finally, the 4th Type also appears to correspond to this ritual, differing from the previous only in that each funerary deposit was found “…guarded superiorly by a layer of conglomerated stones, and inferiorly and laterally by a true sarcophagus, box or coffin excavated in the bottom rock…”8 (ibidem). It would thus correspond, as the later interventions seem to have confirmed (Paixão, 1970; 1983) of graves excavated in the base rock with a stepped morphology, corresponding to the type commonly known as “with central canal” (Arruda 1999-2000: 76). Even if this typification constitutes a fundamental contribution to the discussion of the funerary practices in the OSM, the data published by V. Correia do not fully clarify the sequence of use of the necropolis, nor the topographic, stratigraphic and consequently chronocultural relation between the different types of tombs. As we have already mentioned the more recent interventions in the site directed by A. Cavaleiro Paixão did not result in the documentation of all these sepulchral typologies. In effect, and based on the published data (Paixão, 1970; 1983), in the area more recently excavated only tombs corresponding to in situ incinerations were present corresponding to the aforementioned 3rd and 4th Types (Paixão, 1983: 277), thus not contributing to elucidate the global sequence of funerary solutions within the necropolis. These limitations notwithstanding, a joint consideration of the information present in both V. Correia’s and A. Cavaleiro Paixão’s works and the typological appraisal of the materials which, as said before, have been published throughout the years have allowed for some articulated hypothesis regarding the restitution of the sequence of use of the OSM to be put forward (Fabião, 1998: 350-369; Arruda, 1999-2000: 72-86). “…isoladamente sobre a rocha do fundo do terreno, ou em concavidade especialmente aberta nesse fundo.” 7 “Depósito funerário composto dos restos da lenha da cremação, resíduos de ossos e cinzas (…) tudo deixado sem resguardo lateral no próprio terreno da combustão do corpo.” 8 «…resguardado superiormente por uma camada de pedras aglutinadas, e inferior e lateralmente por um verdadeiro sarcófago, caixa ou caixão cavado na rocha do fundo.» 6. It seems thus consensual in the current state of our knowledge that the tombs of the 4th Type correspond to the earliest moment of use of the necropolis, exhibiting “…all the sepulchral and symbolic panorama that marks the beginning of the «orientalization» of the western Late Bronze Age…» in the opinion of C. Fabião (1998: 355). From a morphological point of view, these tombs correspond to depressions of a roughly rectangular shape excavated in the base rock in the centre of which a second depression of smaller size was excavated longitudinally, destined to facilitate the combustion of the funerary pyre (Bartoloni, 1996); the resulting stepped section seems to be the main differentiating characteristic of these tombs. We can also assume these tombs have been covered by small tumular structures composed of compacted stones and earth, as indicated both by Professor V. Correia (1928: 178) and by the stratigraphic profiles from the excavations of A. Cavaleiro Paixão (1970: Estampa 8) (see also the reconstruction of a tomb in Silva & Gomes, 1992: Fig. 48A). The peculiar morphology of these tombs establishes a very close connection between them and the so-called central canal tombs; this sepulchral typology is well attested in funerary contexts relating to the Phoenician presence in the Mediterranean. As examples, we can point out parallels from very different areas, such as Monte Sirai (Sardinia) (Bartoloni, 2000; Guirguis, 2011), Puig des Molins (Ibiza) (Fernández Gómez-Pantoja & Costa Mas, 2004) or Cádiz (Perdigones et al., 1990). Tombs pertaining to this same typology are also relativelly frequent in so-called «Orientalizing» contexts of the southern Iberian Peninsula and in particular in necropolis from the Lower Andalusia, such as Cruz del Negro or Bencarrón (cf. Torres Ortiz, 1999: 131-133), in Carmona; even for these, nevertheless, and in light of their morphological specificity, a specifically Phoenician formal origin has been admited (idem: 133), which seems to be corroborated by their frequent presence in properly colonial settings such as those mentioned above. In Alcácer do Sal an oriental cultural influx is also sufficiently documented, having as protagonists Phoenician colonists and merchants (Silva et al., 19801981; Arruda, 1999-2000: 97-100), and the presence of this very particular type of tombs in the OSM can, with no great hesitations, be related to the impact of colonial funerary practices in the local community. We should mention that the tombs that, in these diverse contexts, constitute the closest parallels for the structures from the OSM cover a chronological arch centred between the late 7th and the 6th century (Torres Ortiz, 1999: 132). In what regards the material that accompanied these depositions, we depend once again on the testimony of V. Correia to attempt a first generic definition of the artifactual. 330.

(10) Francisco B. Gomes: THE OLIVAL DO SENHOR DOS MÁRTIRES NECROPOLIS panoply associated with these sepulchral horizon. According to that researcher these tombs contained “… weapons, jewels, (…) little ritual vases, (…) spindle whorls, and one or other strange object – such as rests of musical instruments or the bronze wheels of a combat car…” as well as “…bones of sacrificed animals…” 9 (Correia, 1928: 177-8). The identification of the ceramic material associated with this moment of use of the necropolis is still unclear. The “little ritual vases” to which V. Correia alludes can be identified with any of the various types of small containers exhumed in the site, many of which nowadays no longer count with any contextual reference (see the various examples published in Paixão, 1970; Frankenstein, 1997: Láms. 59-61). Also suggestive but impossible to demonstrate clearly is the attribution to this horizon of a recently identified “oil bottle” of Phoenician type with a likely chronology around the late 7th or early 6th century (Gomes, in print). On the other hand, other pieces have already been attributed to this same phase (Arruda, 1999-2000: 77) such as the Ramon Torres (1995) Type 10.1.2.1 amphora published by A. C. Paixão (1970: 72-3) and S. Frankenstein (1997: Lám. 51), probably produced in the coast of Málaga, particularly due to its chronology (7th-6th centuries) since its contextual attribution to the “lower part of the necropolis” (Paixão, 1970: 72) seems ambiguous. Based on the available data it has been generally admitted, without greater reservations, that the so called Alcácer do Sal Type spears, or Alcácer-lanzen (Schüle, 1969: 114-115) can be associated with this type of tombs, a fact corroborated by the presence of two of these spears complete with their butts in the 22/80 tomb, indubitably of the 4th Type, excavated and published by A. Cavaleiro Paixão (1983: 282 and Fig. 5) (Fig. 1.1). Another peculiar element that seems to be associated with these tombs are the elements that can be attributed to the wheels of light cars (Fig. 1.4-5), possibly parade or combat vehicles, already identified by V. Correia, as mentioned above, and of which A. Cavaleiro Paixão exhumed in the late 1960’s new examples in a tomb designated G10, which can be attributed to the type we have been commenting. From tombs of this same typology come apparently at least some of the examples of bracelets of the “xorca/ajorca” type, an attribution suggested by the presence of one of these pieces in the already cited 22/80 tomb (Paixão, 1983: 283 and Fig. 5) (Fig. 1.1), even if, as we will mention further ahead, their presence is also clearly attested in tombs of the 3rd Type (Correia, 1928: 177).. “…armas, jóias. (…) vasinhos rituais, (…) coçoiras, um ou outro objecto estranho – como restos de instrumentos musicais ou as rodas de bronze de um carro de combate (…) ossos de animais sacrificados…» 9. The egyptian-type scarabs exhumed in the necropolis (Correia 1925c; Paixão, 1970: 165-184; 1971; 1983: 283 and Fig. 6; Gamer-Wallert & Paixão, 1983) (Fig. 1.3) can also, with a certain degree of certainty, be attributed to tombs pertaining to this same horizon (Arruda, 19992000: 76). At a more hypothetical level an attribution to these depositions of the more archaic fibula types studied by S. da Ponte (1985) can be suggested, in particular for the double helix fibula that was already published by V. Correia (1930: n. 11) but also for the types that researcher designated as “with thickened low arch” and “with slightly thickened arch” (Ponte, 1985: 139-140) (Fig. 1.2). More reservations should be put at this moment to the attribution to this horizon of the Acebuchal type fibula (idem: 140), mainly because this piece seems to have been found in close contextual connection with an exceptional black figures Greek vase (Correia, 1930: 185) meanwhile published (Arruda, 2006: 135-6), dating to the late 6th to early 5th centuries, a chronology which is not entirely compatible with that of the other material we have been commenting. It has also been stated that the belt clasps were absent from these tombs (Fabião, 1998: 355) even though this absence cannot be admitted without reservations since a clasp of the so-called “celtic” type exhumed by A. Cavaleiro Paixão (1970: 277) and pertaining to the type C defined by Mª. L. Cerdeño Serrano (1978) seems to have been found in a tomb – designated G10 – which presents a central canal and should thus be attributed to this group. An appreciation of the generic chronologies of these diverse pieces of attire and votive offerings seems to suggest, as has already been stated (Arruda, 1999-2000: 81) a chronology comprising the second half of the 7th century and the first half of the 6th, dates that otherwise coincide with the chronology of the main formal parallels for the tombs themselves as stated previously. As for the 3rd Type all available indications suggest it corresponds, as previously mentioned, to in situ incineration tombs comprising a simple fosse open either in the base rock or simply in the ground. This sepulchral typology, by its simplicity, is quite ubiquitous and transcends geographic and cultural boundaries; it seems however useful to remind its presence both in PhoenicianPunic contexts, such as Bithia (Bartoloni, 1996), Monte Sirai (Bartoloni, 2000; Guirguis, 2011), Ibiza (Fernández Gómez-Pantoja & Costa Mas, 2004), Jardín (Schubart, 1995) or Villaricos (Astruc, 1951), and in “Orientalizing” contexts of the Southwestern Iberian Peninsula, such as Cruz del Negro, Bencarrón, El Acebuchal, Setefilla and La Joya, in Lower Andalusia (Torres Ortiz, 1999: 129131), as well as Medellín (Almagro Gorbea, 2007), in Extremadura.. 331.

(11) DEATH AS ARCHAEOLOGY OF TRANSITION. Figure 1 – Material attributed (surely or probably) to tombs of the 4th Type – Fosse with Central Canal: 1 – Offerings from the Tomb 22/80 (after Paixão, 1983); 2 – Archaic fibulae (after Ponte, 1985); 3 – Egyptian-type scarabs (after Almagro-Gorbea & Torres, 2009); 4 – wheel hubs from light car (after Paixão, 1970); 5 – Wheel rims from light car (after Schüle, 1969). The chronology of use of this type of tomb is quite broad but it can be pointed that the peak of its diffusion in the cultural areas that interest us is centred on the 7th-6th and the 5th centuries (cf. Torres Ortiz, 1999: 130-1). The position of the simple fosse tombs in the use sequence of the OSM offers greater reservations than that of the previous type. It has already been observed, nonetheless, that in the plant published by A. C. Paixão (1983; Fig. 4) the existence of situations of superposition between tombs can be observed (Fabião, 1998: 355; Arruda, 19992000: 78) which could lead to think in a “…situation of «evolution» (…) within the same cultural and funerary. matrix…”10 (Fabião, 1998: 355), in which the simple fosse tombs would seemingly be posterior to those with central canal (Arruda, 1999-2000: 79). That posteriority seems otherwise corroborated by the differentiation as far as the accompanying materials is concerned that seems patent in the available information. Regarding the ceramic ensemble the main clues that allow to identify the pieces that could have belonged to this sepulchral horizon come, once again, from the works of V. Correia. In one of his articles concerning the necropolis (Correia, 1928: 176) the Professor of Coimbra mentions “…situação de “evolução”(…) dentro de uma mesma matriz cultural e fúnebre…” 10. 332.

(12) Francisco B. Gomes: THE OLIVAL DO SENHOR DOS MÁRTIRES NECROPOLIS the presence of “unguentaria”, difficult to identify, of containers “of coarse clay” similar to the “present day Lisbon pots, with a handle connecting the edge to the belly”, which probably correspond to the relatively abundant hand-made and coarse ware handled pots, many of which present only one handle, some of which have already been published (Frankenstein, 1997: Láms. 59 and 61), as well as “open lamps, with just one spout”, indisputably the punic-type lamps (idem: Lám. 58), common to the tombs of the 2nd Type. As for the metallic ensemble it would have included, always according to V. Correia (1928: 176-7), “… spears with short and broad point, knifes of various models, and forked belt plaques. No swords. The fibulae are circular, with thick arches and large dimensions, Hispanic models. The only type of bracelet is that of cylindrical hollow stem from which hang thick bent leaches.”11 The weaponry seems thus to comprise only spears whose points apparently present a different morphology from those exhumed in 4th Type tombs; the description of V. Correia isn’t sufficiently explicit, but we can hypothesize an identification with the spear points of medium size and rectangular sectioned ridge published by W. Schüle (1969: Taf. 103). Also present are the angled back knifes of the type commonly referred to in peninsular literature as “afalcatada” which nonetheless seem to be chronologically transversal, being impossible with the available contextual data to establish any relevant evolutionary scheme. In what concerns the fibulae the description of the Professor of Coimbra is much more explicit and allows for the assertion that the first Hispanic annular fibulae (Fig. 2.3), of the more archaic types, appear for the first time in this horizon (Ponte, 1985; 2006). Also explicit is the attribution to these tombs of belt clasps; these must correspond to at least part of the pieces of the so-called “celtic” and “tartessian” types (Schüle, 1969: Taf. 108; Arruda, 2004) (Fig. 2.1-2). Also present, finally, and in clear continuity with the preceding phase, are the “xorca/ajorca” type bracelets, already commented. The conjunction of all these different elements allows to indicate a chronology for these tombs from the late 7th century to the late 6th (Arruda, 1999-2000: 81), eventually centred mostly in this last century. This fact suggests, as has already been proposed, an in situ evolution regarding the tombs of the previous period, a hypothesis that fits on the other hand with the fact that both groups of graves strictly share the same type of funerary ritual. If the relation between the graves of the 4th and 3rd Types, which share a common ritual and hold an obvious “…lanças de folha curta e larga, navalhas de vários modelos, e placas de cinturão de garfo. Nenhuma espada. As fíbulas são circulares, de arco giboso, de grandes dimensões, modelos hispânicos. O único tipo de braceletes é o de toro cilíndrico ôco, donde prendem (sic) grossas sanguessugas dobradas.”. morphological resemblance, can to some extent be reconstructed with a certain degree of coherence, the same cannot be said for the relation between these and the tombs of the 2nd Type. These correspond, in fact, to a different funerary ritual: the incineration in ustrinum with the posterior deposition of the ashes in a cinerary container, namely a pottery vessel. According to the available description of the tombs pertaining to this type, the containers used to hold the ashes of the deceased can be identified as “Cruz del Negro” type urns (Correia, 1928: 175), of which three examples (Fig. 3.1) have been published that can be related to the types 3 (late 7th century (Frankenstein, 1997: Lám.49), 4 (late 7thearly 6th century) (idem: Lám. 50) and 5 (early 6th century) (idem: Lám. 48) defined for the pieces of the necropolis of Medellín (Torres Ortiz, 2008: 640-648), even though a lower chronology, within the 6th century, and particularly in the second half of that century, has also been suggested for these same pieces (Arruda, 1999-2000: 75). Another piece of data that has acquired considerable relevance in the discussion regarding the position and chronology of these tombs is the fact, well noted by V. Correia, that these cinerary containers were deposited at great depths in small cavities excavated in the base rock for that purpose (Correia, 1928: 175). This information has already been invoked to sustain the hypothesis of the great antiquity of these tombs based on a stratigraphic criterion, having been suggested that they could be assigned to “…a fairly ancient phase, probably contemporary with those of the 4th Type…”12 (Fabião, 1998: 356). The data to confirm such an antiquity are, however, reduced, since the material accompanying these tombs is very scarce comprising only lamps with a single spout (Fig. 3.2, similar to those exhumed, as previously mentioned, in tombs of the 3rd Type, pieces whose chronological value is debatable (Arruda, 1999-2000: 74-75). The identification of the “…lids of Coimbra stew with a semi-spherical concavity and straight brims…”13 (Correia, 1928: 175) as the red slip fish plates published by S. Frankenstein (1997: 329) (Fig. 3.3) can also be accepted as a hypothesis (Fabião, 1998), having in mind however that these pieces can be dated to more recent moments, namely in the 6th century (Arruda, 1999-2000: 74). As for other elements associated to this group of tombs we could point out the attribution to a tomb apparently of this type, the number 11, of a heart-shaped (“acorazonado”) bracelet and a fragment of a knife (Schüle, 1969: Taf. 89). It is worth noting that this type of bracelets, relatively. 11. “…uma fase bastante antiga, provavelmente contemporânea das do 4º Tipo…” 13 «…testos de asado coimbrão, de côvo semi-esférico e abas direitas...» 12. 333.

(13) DEATH AS ARCHAEOLOGY OF TRANSITION. Figure 2 – Material attributed (surely or probably) to tombs of the 3rd Type – Simple Fosse: 1- Belt clasp of the socalled “Celtic” type (after Paixão, 1970); 2 – Belt clasp of the so-called “Tartessian” type (after Schüle, 1969); 3 – Hispanic annular fibulae – archaic types (after Ponte, 1985); 4 – Koroplastic figure of a bovide (after AA.VV., 1996).. 334.

(14) Francisco B. Gomes: THE OLIVAL DO SENHOR DOS MÁRTIRES NECROPOLIS. Figure 3 - Material attributed (surely or probably) to tombs of the 2nd Type – depositions in “Cruz del Negro” Urns: 1 - “Cruz del Negro” Urns; 2 – Lamps; 3 – Red slip fish plates (after Frankenstein, 1997). frequent in funerary contexts, have a generic chronology of the 7th-6th centuries (see Mataloto, 2013: 84). The available elements of judgment regarding the chronology of these funerary deposits and their position in the sequence of the necropolis are therefore scarce and problematic and allow for diverse hypothesis, as has already been pointed out (Arruda, 1999-2000: 79-81). On the one hand it would be possible to conceive, as far as the funerary ritual is concerned, the existence of a moment. of rupture with the substitution of the incineration in situ by the incineration in ustrinum in a moment difficult to pinpoint, perhaps in the second half of the 6th century. The available data allow however to sustain the hypothesis of a contemporaneity, at least partial, between the two rituals; in effect the plausible chronologic arch of the tombs of the 3rd and 2nd Type seem to overlap, at least in part, and the presence of one spout lamps in both could reflect that relative contemporaneity.. 335.

(15) DEATH AS ARCHAEOLOGY OF TRANSITION We will not discuss in detail here the possible explanations for such coexistence, which have already been discussed in previous works; we will therefore retain only two fundamental explanatory hypothesis. On the one hand we should mention the hypothesis that this ritual duality could reflect the presence of differentiated human groups, a fact that would play well with the well documented nature of the Lower Sado basin as a Phoenician colonial space (Mayet & Silva, 2000a; 2000b; Silva, 2005) and with the role of Alcácer do Sal has the pivotal node in the region. On the other hand it isn’t impossible that the ritual complexity documented at least in the “middle phase” of the OSM can be the expression of intra-group differences reflecting cleavages along the lines of social status, gender or age (Arruda, 1999-2000: 80-81). Such a hypothesis would account for the quantitative differences in the material accompanying each type of deposition – we should keep in mind, for instance, that in the tombs of the 2nd Type all the symbols of status, such as weapons or adornment elements, are absent, while they are present to some extent in all the other types of tombs, regardless of their chronology. In the absence of exact contextual and stratigraphic data it is, for the moment, virtually impossible to advance any further precisions vis-à-vis the numerous questions surrounding the tombs of the 2nd Type. We cannot assure if they are present, or not, since the earliest phase of the necropolis, even though there seem to be some elements to defend a fairly high chronology; we cannot demonstrate their prolonged coexistence with in situ incineration tombs even though it seems likely; finally, and admitting such a coexistence did occur, we do not possess the necessary data to assess the reasons that may have justified such a duality of rituals. Concerning the cultural context of this type of funerary deposits it is necessary to point out, once again, its relative transversal nature; in fact the practice of deposing the ashes in a pottery container is present both in the Central European world, from where it expanded to the Northeastern Iberian Peninsula (Ruiz Zapatero, 1989) as in the Mediterranean world, both Greek (Torres Ortiz, 1999: 150, with bibliography) and Phoenician. In fact the presence of depositions in funerary urns is well attested in contexts of the Phoenician mainland (Gasull, 1993) such as Tiro Al-Bass (Aubet, Nuñez & Trellisó, 2004) as well as in colonial contexts in North Africa (Vouillemot, 1955), Sicily (Tusa, 1972), Sardinia (Bartoloni, 1996) and the Iberian Peninsula (Fernández Gómez-Pantoja & Costa Mas, 2004). The case of Ibiza seems especially suggestive: in the necropolis of Puigs des Molins we find parallels not just for the type of depositions we have been discussing but also for the use of the very same kind of cinerary container used in the OSM (idem).. This type of deposition has known, on the other hand, a considerable diffusion in the peninsular “Orientalizing” world. Deposits which constitute good references to the ones from the OSM can be found in abundance in the necropolis of the Lower Andalusia, in particular in the area of Carmona (Torres Ortiz, 1999: 128-129), but also in Medellín, in Extremadura (Almagro Gorbea, 2007). It should otherwise be mentioned that contrary to the types discussed before the tombs of the 2nd Type also count with parallels in the Portuguese territory, namely in the tombs excavated in Tavira (Arruda, Covaneiro & Cavaco, 2006) but also in the possible depositions in “Cruz del Negro” urns from Mértola (Barros, 2008). The urn burials of the OSM pertaining to this type are inscribed, as the two previous types discussed, in a cultural environment where the Mediterranean – and particularly Phoenician – influence has been strongly felt. We will not go here into the discussion on the topic of the origin of the incineration ritual but we would like to point out, in line with what was previously stated, the strongly oriental character of both the cinerary containers and of the few materials associated to these tombs, however scarce. Even if, as previously stated, the ritual consisting of the cremation of the deceased in an ustrinum with the secondary deposition of the ashes in an urn was probably used in an early moment along with the in situ incineration it seems also evident that the first eventually became generalized. In fact to the last phase of pre-roman use of the OSM seems to correspond exclusively the tombs pertaining to the 1st Type in which, once again, the deposition of the ashes in ceramic containers is the norm. The nature of these depositions is however substantially different from that of the 2nd Type tombs, both due to their apparent stratigraphic position and to the type of material they contained. Firstly, and from a topographic point of view, V. Correia (1928: 172) observed that the tombs of this group were found at little depth in clear contrast with those of the previous type. Such a fact helps to explain why the material from this phase was apparently predominant in the inventory of the 1874-5 finds, among which are counted the famous Greek vases which, as we shall see, are one of the characteristic elements of the panoply of these deposits. Such a fact can furthermore be connected with the assertion made by V. Correia that “…underneath the layer explored then [in 1874-5] there are, a metre deeper, spots of another untouched archaeological stratum…”14 (Correia, 1925a: 156), which seems to attest to the existence of different tiers of burials being that the tombs of the 1st Type would occupy the more superficial ones. This argument – among others to which we will return – has allowed him to state “…debaixo da camada explorada então [em 1874-5] existem, um metro mais fundo, manchas de outro estrato arqueológico inviolado…” 14. 336.

(16) Francisco B. Gomes: THE OLIVAL DO SENHOR DOS MÁRTIRES NECROPOLIS also that this type is the more recent within the Iron Age diachronic sequence of the OSM, an assertion that seems today to be fully confirmed. The material associated with these depositions seems on the other hand to be abundant and diversified. The testimony of V. Correia is expressive, and we therefore think useful to reproduce it: “The cinerary jars (…) were deposited at little depth, covered with a sort of cup with conic rims, similar to a fire cup from Alentejo, cup that was placed inverted over the mouth of the vase. At its side were placed one or two small vases (…) and the two ritual spindle whorls. Underneath the urn were piled (…) the weapons and the adornments of the deceased: hanked the soliferreum, bent the blades of the falcatae and the daggers, curved the points of the long spears, deformed the sheaths, twisted the belt plaques, the fibulae, the bracelets. Only the knifes (…) keep (…) their rectilinear rigidity. (…) § It is then with these vessels that we find in the cemetery of Alcácer Greek vases (…) – the oxybaphon crater, the skyphos, the peliké, the patera – decorated with red figures on black background”15 (Correia, 1928: 172-174). This long quotation allows us to establish, with a certain degree of confidence, the material coordinates of the 1st Type tombs. Beginning with the consideration of the cinerary containers we count on descriptions that allow us to suggest some of these may have corresponded to painted wares similar to the so called “Turdetan” productions. It is perhaps the occasion to mention four ceramic containers (Fig. 4.1-2) published by S. Frankenstein (1997: Láms. 53-57) that fit the form sometimes designated as “urna con baquetón”, bi-conic containers with a salience in the neck portion, frequent in contexts of the second half of the 1st millennium BCE in Lower Andalusia (Ferrer Albelda & García Fernández, 2008: 211). One of those pieces presents decorative motifs – alternating vertical and horizontal waved lines – typical of the painted wares of this phase that permits a correlation with the description offered by V. Correia (1928: 174) of the urns present in the tombs of the 1st Type, reason for which it appears valid to attribute these pieces to the horizon in question.. «As jarras cinerárias (…) eram depostas a pouca fundura, tapadas com uma espécie de taça de bordas cónicas, semelhante a uma tijela de fogo alentejana, taça que se colocava invertida sobre a bôca do vaso. Ao lado eram colocados um ou dois vasos pequenos (…) e as duas coçoiras ou fusaïolas rituais.. Por debaixo da urna amontoavam-se (…) as armas e adereços do defunto: - ennovelado o soliferreum, dobradas as laminas das falcatas e das adagas, encurvadas as folhas das lanças longas, deformadas as baínhas, torcidas as placas de cinturão, as fíbulas, os braceletes. Só as navalhas (…) guardam (…) a rigidez rectilínea. (…) § Ora é com estas vasilhas que encontramos no cemitério alcacerense vasos gregos (…) – a cratera oxibaphon, o skiphos, a péliké, a pátera, - decoradas com figuras vermelhas sobre fundo negro...” 15. The presence of a piece (Frankenstein, 1997: Lám. 61) assimilated to the so-called “urnas de orelhetas”, eared urns, common in the Iberian world, is also attested (Fig. 4.3). Judging from the generic chronology for the pieces with this morphology, situated in the second half of the 1st millenium (Beirão & Gomes, 1983: 250 e ss.) it should also be associated with this phase of use of the necropolis. On the other hand the use of containers of Attic production – namely krateres and a skyphos – as cinerary containers is also well attested from the testimony of this researcher (idem: 173). The expressive ensemble of Greek vases that accompanied these depositions has already been studied in detail (Rouillard et al., 1988-1989) so we will not go here into the details of their characterization. We will only retain for the purposes of the present discussion their coherent chronological frame, covering the last quarter of the 5th century and the first quarter of the 4th, an observation of great relevance for the chronological positioning of the funerary deposits of the 1st Type. The existence of other tombs of the same type with later chronologies, posterior to the break in the flow of Greek imports cannot, however, be excluded, namely since the urns “con baquetón” commented earlier seem to cover a broader chronological interval which spans the entire 4th century (Ferrer Albelda & García Fernández, 2008). As for the metallic material, the abundance and diversity of the weaponry present is to be noted; it includes both offensive weapons – antennae daggers and swords (Fig. 4.4), Iberian type falcatae (Fig. 4.5), short and long point spears and soliferrea – and defensive equipment – namely shield handles. The typological appraisal of these pieces has already been attempted (Quesada Sánz, 1997) and it is worth noting, as already stressed by other researchers (Fabião, 1998: 364), that they bear a remarkable similitude with the warrior panoplies characteristic of the Middle Phase defined for the Iberian weaponry. Regarding the dress and adornment elements, the belt clasps of the so called “Iberian” type, some of which bearing inlaid and damascened silver decorations (Correia, 1925b; Almeida & Ferreira, 1962; Schüle, 1969: Taf. 88 e 108), can also probably be attributed to this horizon, along possibly with the more evolved forms of the so-called “celtic” type belt clasps (Schüle, 1969: Taf. 91 e 108) of Cerdeño’s Type D (Cerdeño, 1978) (Fig. 4.6). In what concerns the fibulae both the evolved Hispanic annular models (p. ex., Ponte, 1985: n.21) and the other, late types relating to La Tène horizons with drum shaped appendixes whose chronology centres in the 4th-3rd centuries (p. ex., idem: nn.19-20) can in all likeness be associated with this horizon (Fig. 4.6). The chronological elements we wield for the tombs of this type are, as seen, much more expressive than those available for the remaining sepulchral typologies commented earlier. In effect, it seems acceptable to suggest 337.

(17) DEATH AS ARCHAEOLOGY OF TRANSITION. Figure 4 – Material attributed (surely or probably) to tombs of the 1st Type – urn depositions - “Late Iron Age” - 1 & 2 – Bi-conic urns (after Frankenstein, 1997); 3 – Eared urn (idem); 4 – Antennae swords and daggers (after Schüle, 1969, adapted in Arruda, 1999-2000); 5 – Falcatae (idem); 6 – Late belt clasps (of the late “celtic” and “iberian” types) (after Almeida & Ferreira, 1962); Late Hispanic annular fibulae (after Ponte, 1985).. a global chronological frame between the late 5th and the mid-4th century for the deposits of this horizon (Arruda, 1999-2000: 81) with probable extensions towards the late 4th and 3rd centuries which are still difficult to assess.. Addressing now the question of the cultural environment in which these tombs are to be inserted it is worth recalling, as has already been pointed out (Fabião, 1998: 364-366) and as we also have already mentioned, the similitude between. 338.

(18) Francisco B. Gomes: THE OLIVAL DO SENHOR DOS MÁRTIRES NECROPOLIS the funerary deposits of this horizon in the OSM and those of several funerary contexts of the Iberian world where we find parallels not just for the material accompanying the burials but also for some of the ritual aspects, such as the use of Atic vases as cinerary urns (idem: 361). The generalization of the practice of secondary incineration with the deposition of the ashes in an urn in the second half of the 1st millennium BCE has, on the other hand, been connoted with the penetration of continental cultural influences (Correia, 1993). This fact notwithstanding there are also well attested cases of urn necropolis from this period with a material culture of strongly Mediterranean penchant, of which the example of Galeado (Beirão & Gomes, 1983) is representative, necropolis in which we also find parallels for the eared urn of the OSM. In the case of the OSM it is also noticeable the marked continuity, within a Mediterranean koiné, of the material culture and of the very funerary practices which represents an expressive testimony of the durability of the influences and socio-economic ties established in the early centuries of the 1st millennium BCE. 4. INTEGRAL (AND INTEGRATED) STUDY OF THE MATERIALS FROM THE OLIVAL DO SENHOR DOS MÁRTIRES: ON-GOING WORK AND PERSPECTIVES. In the presentation with which we have occupied the last few pages the general data with which we count in the present moment to discuss the general historical relevance of the OSM and its position in the overall historic process of the southern Portuguese Iron Age has been clearly laid out. Also patent have become, however, the major gaps that exist in the available information, which in any case had already been object of enlightening commentary before (Fabião, 1998: 350-366; Arruda, 1999-2000: 72-86), as well as the limitations imposed both by the scarcity of contextual data and by the absence of systematic and exhaustive studies of the material exhumed in the necropolis which has always been approached in a selective and partial fashion. To address these problems we are currently undertaking the exhaustive study of the material exhumed during the archaeological interventions conducted in the OSM. This study has encompassed four collections – that of the National Archaeological Museum, in Lisbon, the one deposited in the University of Coimbra, the collection which is held in the Municipal Museum of Alcácer do Sal and the until recently untreated collection of the Alentejo’s Regional Direction of Culture, also lodged in Alcácer do Sal. This study, limited from the very beginning by the lack of contextual information for large portions of the material under study, assumes as its main goal to establish a correct typological framework for the material found in the necropolis; such an exercise will in time lead to. a first balanced ensemble vision and enable a broader comparative study which will produce a more detailed account of the chronological and cultural settings of the site and its different phases. The possibility of reconstituting with any degree of certainty the vast majority of the excavated contexts is not to be expected, but we hope that this typological and chronological approach, cross-referenced with the available contextual data, will enable us to obtain also a more sustained vision of the internal phasing of the necropolis as well as of the relations the community that buried its dead in this site may have established with other cultural groups, both near and far in origin. The reassessment of the necropolis of the OSM which we are currently undertaking will also benefit from the remarkable advances that the study of the Iron Age in the southwestern Iberian Peninsula in general, and of the funerary world of this period in particular, have experienced in the past few years, which in itself would justify a revision of a site of such historiographical relevance as the OSM. If we consider, on the other hand, that the necropolis of Alcácer constitutes one of the few funerary contexts in the Portuguese territory which denote a strong oriental influence and that, among these, both by the extent of the interventions conducted there and by the abundance of documented deposits, it is clearly the one that has yielded the most information regarding the funerary practices of the southern Portuguese Iron Age the pertinence of an exhaustive study of the site cannot be denied. The advantage of such a study seems therefore to be double – on the one hand, the accumulation of new data allows to approach the OSM in the light of a global historical framework which is sustained by more coherent information; on the other hand, the study of a necropolis with this characteristics offers a counterpoint to the numerous other at least partially contemporary funerary realities documented in the interior of southern Portugal (Beirão, 1986; Fabião, 1998: 369-392; Arruda, 2001; Santos et al., 2009; Mataloto, 2013), enabling a broader comprehension of the complex cultural mosaic of the southern Portuguese Iron Age. BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES: ALMAGRO GORBEA, M. (dir.) (2007) – La necrópolis de Medellín. I. La excavación y sus hallazgos. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia. ALMEIDA, F. d’ & FERREIRA, O. da V. (1962) – Fechos e placas de cinturão, hallstáticos, encontrados em Portugal. O Archeologo Português, S.3, vol.1, pp.8195. Lisbon: Museu Ethnographico Português. ARRUDA, A. M. (1999-2000) – Los Fenicios en Portugal. Fenicios y mundo indígena en el centro y sur de Portugal (siglos VIII-VI a.C.). Barcelona: Laboratorio de Arqueología de la Universidad Pompeu Fabra. 339.

(19) DEATH AS ARCHAEOLOGY OF TRANSITION ARRUDA, A. M. (2001) – A Idade do Ferro pósorientalizante no Baixo Alentejo. Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia, 4:2, pp.207-291. Lisbon: IPA. ARRUDA, A. M. (2004) – Necrópoles proto-históricas do sul de Portugal: o mundo oriental e orientalizante. In: GONZÁLEZ PRATS, A. (ed.), El mundo funerario. Actas del III Seminario Internacional sobre Temas Fenícios, Alicante, 2004, pp.457-494. Alicante: Universidad de Alicante. ARRUDA, A. M. (2006) – Cerâmicas gregas encontradas em Portugal. In: PEREIRA, Mª. H. da R. & ARRUDA, A. M. (coord.), Vasos Gregos em Portugal – Aquém das Colunas de Hércules, pp.135-140. Lisbon: MNA. ARRUDA, A. M. (2009) – Os Espaços Funerários e a Construção de Novas Entidades Sociais e Culturais do Extremo Ocidente Europeu (1º Milénio A.N.E.). Estudos Arqueológicos de Oeiras, 17, pp.513-520. Oeiras: Câmara Municipal de Oeiras. ARRUDA, A. M., COVANEIRO, J. & CAVACO, S. (2008) A Necrópole da Idade do Ferro do Convento da Graça, Tavira. Xelb, 8, pp.117‑135. Silves: Museu Municipal de Arqueologia/ Câmara Municipal de Silves ARTHUR, Mª. de L. C. (1952) – Necrópolis de Alcácerdo-Sal (Colección del Prof. Dr. Francisco Gentil). In: Crónica del II Congreso Arqueológico Nacional, pp. 369-380. Zaragoza: Institución “Fernando El Católico”. ASTRUC, M. (1951) – La necrópolis de Villaricos. Madrid: Ministerio de Educación Nacional. AUBET SEMMLER, Mª. E.; NUÑEZ CALVO, F. & TRELLISÓ CARREÑO, L. (2004) – La necrópolis fenicia de Tiro Al-Bass en el contexto funerario fenicio oriental. In FERNÁNDEZ JURADO, J.; GARCÍA SANZ, C. & RUFETE TOMICO, P. (coord.), Actas del III Congreso Español de Antiguo Oriente Próximo, pp.41-61. Huelva: Diputación Provincial de Huelva. BAPTISTA, J. C. (1896) – Salacia. O Archeologo Português, 2:4-5, pp. 143-4. Lisbon: Museu Ethnographico Português. BARROS, P. (2008) Mértola durante os séculos VI e V a.C. In: JIMÉNEZ ÁVILA, J. (coord.), Sidereum Ana I: El río Guadiana en Época Post‑Orientalizante, pp. 399‑414. Madrid: CSIC. BARTOLONI, P. (1996) – La necropoli di Bitia – I. Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche. BARTOLONI, P. (2000) – La necropoli di Monte Sirai – I. Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche. BEIRÃO, C. de M. (1986) - Une civilisation Protohistorique du Sud du Portugal - 1er Age du Fer. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard. BEIRÃO, C. de M. & GOMES, M. V. (1983) – A necrópole da Idade do Ferro do Galeado (Vila Nova de Milfontes). O Arqueólogo Português, S. IV, 1, pp.207266. Lisbon: MNAE. BRITO, Mª. A. de A. e (1968) – Contributo para a classificação de alguns achados de Alcácer do Sal (Época Pré-Romana). Bachelor Thesis in History presented to the Faculty of Letters of the University of Coimbra. 2 volumes. Unpublished.. CERDEÑO SERRANO, Mª. L. (1978) – Los broches de cinturón peninsulares de tipo céltico. Trabajos de Prehistoria, 35, pp.279-307. Madrid: CSIC. CORREIA, V. (1925a) – Uma conferência sobre a Necrópole de Alcácer do Sal. Biblos 1:7, pp.347-363. Coimbra: Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra. CORREIA, V. (1925b) – Fechos de cinturão da Necrópole de Alcácer do Sal. Biblos, 1:6, pp.319-326. Coimbra: Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra. CORREIA, V. (1925c) – Um amuleto egipcio da Necrópole de Alcácer do Sal. Terra Portuguesa, 5:41, pp.90-3. Lisbon: Oficina do Anuário Comercial. CORREIA, V. (1928) – Escavações realizadas na Necrópole Pré-Romana de Alcácer do Sal em 1926 e 1927. O Instituto, 75, pp.190-201. Coimbra: Instituto de Coimbra. CORREIA, V. (1930) – As fíbulas da Necrópole de Alcácer do Sal. Biblos, 6:7-8, pp.504-509. Coimbra: Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra. CORREIA, V. H. (1993) – As necrópoles da Idade do Ferro do Sul de Portugal: arquitectura e rituais. Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia, 33, 3‑4, pp.351‑370. Oporto: Sociedade Portuguesa de Antropologia e Etnologia. FABIÃO, C. (1998) – O Mundo Indígena e a sua Romanização na Área Céltica do actual território português. PhD Thesis in Archaeology presented to the Faculty of Letters of the University of Lisbon. 3 volumes. Unpublished. FABIÃO, C. (2011) – História da Arqueologia em Portugal. Lisbon: CTT. FERNÁNDEZ GÓMEZ-PANTOJA, F. & COSTA MAS, B. (2004) - Mundo funerario y sociedad en la Eivissa arcaica: una aproximación al análisis de los enterramientos de cremación en la necrópolis del Puig des Molins. In: GONZÁLEZ PRATS, A. (ed.), El mundo funerario. Actas del III Seminario Internacional sobre Temas Fenicios, pp.315-407. Alicante: Universidad de Alicante. FERRER ALBELDA, E. & GARCÍA FERNÁNDEZ, F. J. (2008) Cerámica Turdetana. In: BERNAL CASASOLA, D. & RIBERA i LACOMBA, A. (eds.), Cerámicas hispanorromanas. Un estado de la cuestión, pp.201-219. Cádiz: Universidad de Cádiz. FRANKENSTEIN, S. (1997) – Arqueología del colonialismo. El impacto fenicio y griego en el sur de la Península Ibérica y el suroeste de Alemania. Barcelona: Editorial Crítica. GASULL, P. (1993) – El sistema ritual fenicio: inhumación e incineración. Madrider Mitteilungen, 34, pp.71-82. Madrid: Deutsche Archaeologische Institut. GOMES, F. B. (no prelo) – As “oil bottles” de tipo fenício no território português e o consumo de substâncias aromáticas. O Arqueólogo Português, S. V, 3, s/pp.. Lisbon: Museu Nacional de Arqueologia. GUIRGUIS, M. (2011) – Gli spazi della morte a Monte Sirai (Carbonia – Sardegna). Rituali e ideologie funerarie nella necropoli fenicia e púnica (scavi 20052010). The Journal of Fasti Online, 230. Rome: AIAC.. 340.