Brazil is increasingly trying to turn into an agenda setter of global debates, including those linked to human rights issues. The introduction of the concept of ‘Responsibility while Protec-ting’ and its leadership in the debate around the future of Internet governance underline Bra-\KNoUITQYKPICUUGTVKXGPGUUCPFYKNNKPIPGUUVQKPƃWGPEGKORQTVCPVPQTOUCVVJGINQDCNUVCIG
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Council in the post-cold war era, the country resisted suggestions of a responsibility to inter-vene in humanitarian crises, fearing it would serve to justify military action outside the scope
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-YKUGCPFOQTGTGEGPVN[$TC\KNVWTPGFKPVQCHQTGTWPPGTKPVJGKPVGTPCVKQPCNFGDCVGQP+PVGTPGV IQXGTPCPEG7UKPIVJGECUGQH4Y2CPF+PVGTPGVIQXGTPCPEGCUCPKNNWUVTCVKQPQH$TC\KNoUPGY CUUGTVKXGPGUUVJKUGUUC[FGUETKDGUJQY$TC\KNKUKPETGCUKPIN[VT[KPIVQDGEQOGCPQTOGPVTG -preneur in global affairs, including those with human rights components.
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agenda setters of the global debate. This process is bound to cause friction, for developing new terms or concepts is a sign of independence and unpredictability – thus disappointing those in the West who had hoped that rising powers would turn into ‘responsible (and docile)
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international debate – we still live in a world clearly divided between rule makers and rule
Introduction
takers. In the eyes of the traditional rule makers, rule takers can either immediately embrace
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mainstream in the global debate about sovereignty, their – largely unchanged stance – is today seen as revisionist by the global rule makers who have turned R2P into a global norm.
The West is inviting emerging powers to assume global responsibility and engage
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by many as an attempt to obstruct the debate rather than a genuine attempt to enrich the
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participating in the global debate about norms, but its RwP initiative was still notable in that
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with military force (Spektor 2012).
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and South Africa as non-permanent members, China and Russia as permanent ones). None
QHVJG$4+%5XQVGFCICKPUV4GUQNWVKQPVJQWIJ$TC\KN%JKPC+PFKCCPF4WUUKCCDUVCKP -ed, as well as Germany). Despite their decision to abstain, the result was seen at the time as a subtle signal of general support for humanitarian intervention in Libya.
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embargo by supplying Libyan rebels with arms and de factoCEVKPICUVJGTGDGNUoCKTHQTEGKP VJGEQPƃKEV)QYCP1o$TKGP5KPENCKT6JGDQODKPIKP.KD[CUVQRRGFPQVCUUQQPCU VJGTGDGNUVQQMEQPVTQNQH6TKRQNKDWVQPN[YJGP/WCOOCT)CFFCƂYCUMKNNGF
ϐ
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RwP can thus be seen as an attempt to bridge the widening gap that had emerged in the aftermath of the Libya intervention. The initial reception in the West was marked by
scepti-EKUO6JKUECOGƂTUVQHCNNKPVJGHQTOQHCEEWUCVKQPUVJCVVJG4Y2EQPEGRVRCRGTNCEMGF
detail, which opened too much space for speculation. Its opponents quickly called it a plot to delay meaningful action against the mass atrocities in Syria. How, they asked, could such a short and generally worded concept paper be of any use, now that the world needed to take swift action against the Assad regime?
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was so vague, it was natural for analysts around the world to look back and measure it by
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matter than to the West.
The second reason for the rejection in Western capitals was the fear that RwP would make
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list of demands was too cumbersome. The rigid sequencing was particularly strongly
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members a say is seen as a non-starter.
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irrationally and driven by the anger of being relegated to the sidelines during the intervention
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North and the Global South. Quite to the contrary, Western analysts have argued that RwP could even increase the wedge between the West and the rest.
The reaction in the Global South to RwP has been far more muted than in the West. Dilma
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Western imperialist intervention.
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opening address to the General Assembly in September 2011, was at the center of attention.
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Lost momentum
meeting took all day, and Patriota even had to decline requests from country representatives
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bridge builder, mediator and consensus seeker through thought leadership. RwP, despite its
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approach that appears in the original concept note, but many commentators continue to
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the issue and take it forward.
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tireless efforts to promote the topic. In the same way, RwP is unlikely to have a lasting
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normal) criticism.
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was markedly absent.
Looking back, it seems clear that upon launching the concept, there was a window of
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what R2P did – to turn into a household name in the public international relations debate.
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other country took the chance.
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in a debate that is likely to shape international affairs for decades to come. Quite similarly,
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position that most leaders around the world have shown little appetite for. While
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+PFKCoUTGCEVKQPCVVJGUCOGVKOGYCUWPWUWCNN[VCOGThe Hindu wrote that:
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-UKGUIQXGTPOGPVNGCFGTUCPFQTFKPCT[EKVK\GPUYGTGURKGFWRQP9JGP05#FQEW
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there are indications that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh might end up making concessions on a host of issues that are of great concern to American businesses
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industries. Rousseff (2013) said that:
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as well as the invasion and capture of secret information about the activities of
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further stated that: “In the absence of the right to privacy, there can be no true freedom of
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p6JGVKOGqCEEQTFKPIVQ&KNOC4QWUUGHH“is ripe to create the conditions to prevent cy-berspace from being used as a weapon of war, through espionage, sabotage and attacks
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broad global discussion of international regulation of Internet use and governance through
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of the network, guided only by technical and ethical criteria, rendering it inadmissible to
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growing willingness to play a key role in international affairs.
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-OWPFKCNEQPHGTGPEGKP5¿Q2CWNQKP#RTKN2TGUKFGPV4QWUUGHHUKIPGF$TC\KNoUNCPFOCTMnMarco Civil da InternetoCEQORTGJGPUKXGNCYVJCVUCHGIWCTFUEKVK\GPUoFKIKVCNTKIJVUQPMG[HTQPVU +VYCUVJGTGUWNVQHCDTQCFRCTVKEKRCVQT[RTQEGUUCPFOCTMGFVJGFGEKUKXGOQXGD[$TC\KNCU CRTQITGUUKXGRNC[GTQPFKIKVCNTKIJVUQPVJGINQDCNUVCIG6JKUKUCUKIPKƂECPVFGXGNQROGPV UKPEGHQTCNQPIVKOG$TC\KNJCFPQVENGCTN[CNKIPGFKVUGNHYKVJVJGUGVQHEQWPVTKGUYQTMKPIHQT CPQRGPCPFHTGG+PVGTPGV$GPPGT$TC\KNECPPQYGPICIGKPPQTOGPVTGRTGPGWTUJKRCV VJGINQDCNNGXGNHQTGZCORNGD[URQPUQTKPITGIWNCTTGRQTVUVJCVGZRQUGRTCEVKEGUD[IQXGTP -ments that violate basic human rights.
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up more systematically on issues such as humanitarian intervention and Internet
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step in becoming a frontrunner in the debate about governance of the Internet, but it will be
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sides, and which may take many years.
+VKUVQQGCTN[VQVGNNYJGVJGT$TC\KNoUVJQWIJVNGCFGTUJKRKPVJGTGCNOQHJWOCPKVCTKCPKP -tervention had any lasting impact. While the concept of RwP no longer plays a central role,
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the discussion about Internet governance will depend on its willingness to persevere. This, in
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$TC\KNoUTQNGKPDQVJFGDCVGURQKPVUVQVJGEQWPVT[oUEQPUKFGTCDNGRQVGPVKCNVQRNC[CPKORQT -tant role as a mediator, consensus seeker and bridge builder as there is growing scepticism
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Conclusion
Until fairly recently, ‘Internet governance’ was a term that made people’s eyes glaze over. It has now become one of the most dynamic and challenging topics on the global political agen-da. Digitization has escalated exponentially in the past several years, but social, legal and political institutions are struggling to keep pace with the implications. Internet governance will shape the future of global economics, security, communications, and human rights. The question arises: who will lead in the protection of Internet freedom in the digital age?
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mass surveillance techniques in the post-9/11 period have shaken up geopolitical dynamics on Internet freedom, security and governance over the past year.
'XGPDGHQTG5PQYFGPOCP[IQXGTPOGPVUJCFTGEQIPK\GFVJGTGXQNWVKQPCT[FKUKPVGTOGFKC -ting and disruptive capacities of the Internet, and the corresponding empowerment of their
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on the Internet by clamping down on social media, monitoring online activists, and imposing
PGYTGUVTKEVKQPUQPFKIKVCNEQOOWPKECVKQPU1VJGTUEJQUGVQRNCEGVJGOUGNXGUCVVJGHQTG -front of international reform, creating new momentum for a more informed global discussion on the right to privacy in the digital era.
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-EG&WTKPIVJGRCUV[GCT$TC\KNJCUVCMGPUGXGTCNUKIPKƂECPVNGCFGTUJKRUVGRUVQYCTFGPUW -ring protection for human rights in the digital age. These moves have shaken up previous geopolitical alignments and challenged governments around the world to take a stand to
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can be counted on as a champion for digital freedom, security and privacy in the 21st century.
Post-Snowden, numerous governments, democratic or not, became more assertive in
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Introduction
The geopolitics of Internet governance post-Snowden Maria Laura Canineu & Eileen Donahoe
