Regional organizations and development in Latin American

I

í 1 1 I I I

THE ROUTLEDGE

HANTDBOOK OF

LATIN

AMERICAN

DEVELOPMENTT

Edited

by

_lulie

Cupples,

Mørcela

Palomino-Schølscha,

and

Manuel Prieto

tl

Routledoe

fr

\

raytor a rranctlcroup

First published 2019

by Routledge

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@ 2019 selection and eclitorial mattet,Julie Cr.rpples, Marcela

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Lihrary oJ- C o ngre s s C a t niltgi tt g- i n - P ubl ic a ti o n D a t a

Names: Cupples,Julie, editor. _I Prieto, M. (Manuel), editor. I

Palomino-Schalscha, Marcela, edìtor.

Title: The Routledge handbook of Latin Arnerican clevelopr.nent

/

eclited byJulie Cupples, Manuel Prieto and Marcela Palomino*Schalscha.

Description: Loncfon ; New York : Roudeclge, 2019. _I Inctucies

bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2018035221 _| ISBN 9781138060739 _ftbk: alk. paper) |

ISBN 9781315162935 (ebk) _I ISBN 978i351669672 (ntobi/ktndle)

Subjects: LCSH: Econor.nic developr:rent-Latin Anrerica. _I Latin

A¡rerica-Economic conclitions. _I Latin America-Foreign econonr.ic

relations. _I Latin Anerica-Economic policy. Classification: LCC HC125 .R678 2019 _{| DDC} 338.98-ctc23

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ISBN: 978-1-315-1 6293-5 (ebk)

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CONTTENTS

Lßt

o;ffgures

Lßt

of tables

Lßt

of boxes

Lßt

of editors

Lßt

of contributors Acknowledgeruents

xt,

xiii

xiv

xu

xví

xxxí

Latin

Anerican

development: editors'

introduction

Julíe

Cupples, Marurcl Príelo, and Marcela Palomino-Schalscha

I

PART

I

Debates

and

provocations

13

1

Modernization

and dependency

theory

Crßtóbal Kay

15

2

Culture

and

development

in

Latin America

George Yúdice

29

3

Indigenous development

in

Latin America

Nancy Postero

43

4

Colonialiry

colonialism,

and

decolonialiry:

gender, sexuality, and

migration

Camila Esguerra Muelle

54

5

Post-development Aram

Ziai

vll

Conte'nts Contents

6

Neoliberai

multiculturalisn-r

Charles

R.

Hale

75

18

Intercultural

universities and modes

of learning

Daniel Mato

213

225

236

7

The

rise and

fall

of the

Pink Tide

LauraJ, Ë,nríquez and

Tffiny

L.

page

87

19

Indigenous activism

in Latin

America

Piergiorgío

Di

Címinianí

8

Religion

and

development

Jauier Arellano-Yanguas and _{Jauier Martínez} - Contreras

98

20

Afro-Latino-América: black

and

Afro-descendant rights

and struggles Deborah Bush, Shaun Bush, Kendall Cayasso-Dixon,Julie Cupples, Charlotte Cleghorn,

Kevín Clynn,

George

HenríEtez

Cayasso,

Dixie

Lee

Smith, Cecilia Moreno Rojas, Ramón Perea Lemos, Raquel Ribeiro, and

Zúma

Valencia Casíldo PARTII

Globalization, international relations,

and

development

109

9

Post-neoiiberalism and

Latin

America: beyond the

IMf;

World

Bank, and

WTO?

Tara Ruttenberg

21,

Zapatismo:

reinventing

revolution

Sergio Tßchler 252

NT

22

Counter-mapping development

Joe Bryan 263

10

The

Sustainable

Development

Goals

Katie

Willk

1,21

1'r

rhe

war on

drugs

in

Latin

America from

a development perspective

Cuadalupe Correa- Cabrera

132

PARTIV

Gender and

sexualit¡ cultural politics

and

policy

273

12

Diversities of international

and transnational

rnigration

in

and

beyond

Ladn

Anrerica

Catlry McIlwaine and Megan Ryburn

23

Gender,

poverry

and

anti-poverfy

policy:

cautions and concerns

in

a

context

of multiple

feminizations and'patriarchal

pushback'

Sarah Bradsltaw, Sylvia Chant, and Brían Línneker

275

r4s

13

Regional

_{organizations and}

development

in

Latin America

Andrés Malarnud

1,56

24

Gender,health,

and

religion in

a

neoliberal context: reflections

from

the Chilean

case

Jasmine Cideon and Gabriela Aluarez

Minte

286

1.4

Latin America

and

the

United

States Gregory Weeks

25

Men

and masculinities

in

development

Matthew Cutmann

297

168

15

Latin America

and

China

Barbara Hogenhoom

26

LGBTQ

sexualities and social movements

Florence E. Babb

308

1"79

16

Latin America

and the Er-rropean

lJnion

Anna Ayuso

192 PARTV

Labour

and campesino movements

319

PARTIII

Political

and

cultural

struggles and

decolonial interventions

27

Rural

social movements:

conflicts

over

the countrvside

Anthony Bebbington

321

17

More-than-hurnan politics

I-aura

A.

Ogden and Grant

M.

Gutierrez

203 205

28

Labour

movements

Maurízio Atzeni, Rodolþ

Elbert, Clara Martícorena, Jerónímo Montero Bressán,

andJulía

Soul

vln lX

Contents Contents

29

Labour, unions, and mega-events

Maurícío Rombaldi

34s

41

,\dapting to

climate

change

in

the Andes:

changing

landscapes

and

livelihood

strategies

in

the

Altiplano

Corínne Valdiuia and

Karina

Yager

480

30

Street vendors Kate Swanson

355

PARTVII

Latin American cities

501

s03 51,7 528 539 549 560 571

31.

Maquila labour

Jennifer Bickham Mendez

364

32

Fahtrade

certification in Latin ,\merica:

challenges and prospects

,

for

fostering development

l-aura

T.

Raynolds and

Nefratirí

Weeks

42

Just

another

chapter

of

Latin Atlerican

gentrifìcation

Ernesto López-Morales

374

₄₃

_Gang

_violence

_{in Latin.\merica}

Dennís Rodgers

PARTVI

Land,

resources,

and

environmental

struggles

387

389 400 409

42r

432 446 4sB 469

44

Informal

settlements Melaníe Lombard

33

Development

and

natllre:

modes

of

appropriation

and

Latin American

extractivisms

Eduardo Cudynas

45

Urban

mobility in Latin,tmerica

Fábio Duarte

34

Landgrabbing

in

Latin

A.merica: sedimented landscapes

of

clispossession

Díana

Ojeda

46

Oppressed, segregated, vulnerable:

environmental injustice

and

conflicts

in

Latin

American

cities

Marcelo Lopes de Souza

35

Protectecl areas and

biodiversiry

conservation

Robert Ftetcher

47

Rethinking

the urban

econorlry:

women,

protest, and

the new commons

Natalia

Quíroga

Díaz

36

Mining

and

development

in Latin,\merica

Tom Perreault

Index

37

Towers

of

indifference:

wâter

and

politics

in

Latin

,tmerica

Rutgerd Boelens

38

Energy violence

and

uneven development

Møry Fínley-Brook and Osualdo _{Jordan Ramos}

39

The oil

complex

in Latin

A.rnerica:

politics, frontiers,

and habits

of

oil

rule

Cabriela Valdluia and

Angw

Lyall

40

Food

securiry and sovereignty

Beth Bee

FIGURES

TABLES

10.1

11.1.

MY'World

Priorities (% of respondents selecring each option)

Human Development Inclex (HDI); Mexico, Northern Triangle, and Colombia

Drug war violence and natural resources

in

Mexico

Oii

and gas (Mexico,

Northern

Triangle, and Colombia)

Latin American exports to China by product, 2004-20ï3 (US$ billion)

Chinese loans to Latin

Americ¡,2005-2075

Distribution of Chinese loans to Latin

Americu2007-2015

(USD

Billion$

EU-Latin America agreements

Men perfornring as wolnen

in

Carnaval

in

Huaraz, Peru

De-humanizing on-the-ground, living water reâlities Interweaving ancl balancing the srruggles for water justice

Case studies of energy violence

Hydro proj ect clescriptions

Illustrated cases ofnatural gas violence

Landscape diversiry

in

the Altiplano of Peru and Boiivia

New

real estate project

in

ColoniaJr"rárez

New

Ciry Government building

in

Parque Patricios, Buenos Aires (developed by the Normal Foster architect fìrm)

New

VLI

light

rail travelling through a popular area

in

rhe

Rio

de

Janeiro Port Area

Gentrif

ing verticâlization

in

the area sulrounding the cenrre

of Santiago de Chile

124 10.1

10.2

32.1

Sustainable Development Goals

Patterns of income inequality in Latin America 2000-2015

Fairtrade International certified sales value in leacl countries

(us

$1,000,000)

Top Fairtrade International labelled commodities by volume (metric tonnes)

Characteristics

ofthe

top fìve Fairtrade proclucer countlies (by sale$

in

Latin America and the Caribbean

Fairtrade International production

in

Latin America and the Caribbean

(20r4)

Top seven recipients of the Fairtrade Access Fund in Latin Amelica

Modes of appropriation

in

mining extractivisnrs

IUCN

protected area management categories

Protected areas of Latin America ancl the Caribbean (nations and territories)

Continuurn of energy violence Energy violence

in

case studies

Select energy violence cases

Examples of energy violence

in

dams

Examples of energy violence

in

natural gas

Livelihood strategies and capitals by lanclscapes and nunicipaiities

Characteristics and capitals of communities near the Lake and at high elevation, Huenque Ilave Watershed, Puno Altiplano, Peru (2009)

1.22

r28

11.2 11.3 15.1 15.2 15.3 r6.1, 26.1

J/.1

37.2 38.1 38.2 38.3 41.1 42.1 42.2 136 138 1.40 181 182 184 1.97 310 439 442 447 451. 452 485 505 376 32.2 377 32.3 378 32.4 42.3 506 507 508 32.5 33.1 35.1 35.2 38.1 38.2 38.3 38.4 38.5 41.1 41.2 378 382 394 410 410 447 449 450 451 453 486 42.4 490 xll xlll

BOXES

EDITORS

20.1. 41.1.

41.2

4r.3

Selected key events

in

Afro-descendant activism and institutionality The importance of data quality for climare studies

in

the Altiplano region Soils research

in

the Altiplano

Combining local and scientific forecasr knowleclge in Bolivian A_ltiplano

245 483

487

493

Julie

Cupples

is Professor

of

Fluman Geography and

Cultural

Studies at the

universiry

of

Edinburgh

in

the

lJK.

She is also a member of the Latin American Executive ânc1 the Centre for

Contemporary Latin American Studies ancl Chair of the Human Geography Research Group. She works

in

Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Color.nbia, and

Mexìco

and has published

on

a range

of

themes, including gender and sexualiry clisasters, elections, energy politics, and indigenous and Afro-descendant media. She has authored and edited five books, Latin Amcrican

Deuelop-øerrt (Routledge,2013), Mediated Ceographies and Ceographies of Media (Splinger, 2015,

with

Susan Mains and Chris Lukinbeal), Communications/Media/Ceographies (koutledge, 2017,

with

Paul Aclams, Kevin Glynn, _{André Jansson and Shaun} Moores), Shi;fting Nicaraguan Mediascapes:

Authoritarianistn and the Struglle

_for

Social _Justíce (Splinger, 2018,

with

Kevin Glynn) , and

Unset-tling Eurocentrism in the Westernized (Jniuersitl (Routleclge, 2018,

with

Ramón Grosfoguel).

Marcela

Palornino-Schalscha is Lecturer

in

Geography and Development Studies at Victoria

Universiry

of

Wellington i¡r

New

Zealand. FIer research interests

lie

at the intersection of social geography, cievelopment studies, and political ecology,

with

a special emphasis on Indigenous rights.

Most of her work is locatecl

in

Latin America, where she theorises the polìtics of scale and place, diverse and solidariry econonies, decolonisation, identiry politics, Indigenous tourism, clevelopment, neoliberalism, and relational ontologies. More rccentþ she has also embarkecl on the use of arpilleras,

textiles with political content, as more-than-textual research methods to explore the experience

of

refugee-background ancl migrant Latin American women in

New

Zeúand. She is the co-editor

of

the forthconring Indígenous Places and Colonial Spaces:The Politis oJ Intertuined Relations (Roudedge,

2019). She is also Co-eclitor of ACME: An International E-Jotrnalfor Critical Ceographies.

Manuel

Prieto

is Researcher ât the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology

(IA'\)

at

Uni-versidacl Católica de1

Norte

in

San Pedro de Atacama, Chile and Associate Researcher at the Center for Indigenous and lntercultural Research

(CIIR).

His research centres on the intersec-tions

of

political ecology, cultural ecology, political geography, ancl environmental science. His research examines

the

socio-natural transformation associated

with

water- marketization, the

p¡ocess of state formations, local environmental knowledge, and indigenous identities. His most recent research focuses on high-altitude Andean peâtlands. His work has been funded by

Coni-cyt, Fulblight, and the Inter-American Foundation.

CONTRIBUTORS

Gabriela

Alvarcz

Minte

is

Development Practitioner

from Chile

and has many years

of

experience

in

the international cooperation system. She has done consultancies for several

UN

agencies, ancl was the Gender Advisor for Plan International

UK. Prior

to Plan, she worked as

Prograrnme Specialist for the Latin American and Caribbean Section at

UN'Vlomen

at

HQ in

New York, US,{,, and previously in the same position ìn

UNIFEM.

She worked for several years

in an

NGO

in Chile. She holcls a Social Anthlopology degree from Universidad de Chile, a PhD

from Bilkbeck, Univelsiry of London, and a MSc

in

Sociology fi'om the Universiry of Oxford.

Marcos Andrade-Flores

was

born

in

Bolivia.

He

studied Physics at lJnivelsidad Mayor de San Anclres (UMSA) and later Atmospheric Sciences at Universiry of Maryland, College Park

(UMD).

He dicl his postdoctoral research at the

Joint

Center for

Eath

Systems Technology, a

centre formed between

NASA

Goddard Space Flight Center ancl the University of Maryland,

Baltimore Counry. He is currently

Director of

the Laboratory for Atmospheric Physics at the Insrirute for Physics Research (UMSA) and Adjunct Associate Professor at the Department

of

Atmospheric and Oceanic Science

(UMD).

His research interests include atmospheric aerosols,

greenhouse gases, and precipitation

in

the Central Andes.

Javier

Arellano-Yanguas is Research Fellow and Lecturer at the Centre for Applied Ethics

at the Universiry of Der.rsto (Bilbao, Spain). He is currently Director of the Centre.Javier holds

a PhD

in

Development Studies from the Institute of Development Studies (Universiry of Sus-sex) and a degree in Religious Studies

fiom

the University of Deusto. His

work

focuses on the

political economy

of

natural l'esources

led

developrnent, social conflicts, social accountabiliry and the intelactions between religion and development. Most of this research is clone in Anclean countries and encompasses both quantitative and qualitative approaches.

Maurizio

Atzeni

is Researcher at

CEIL/CONICET

(Centro de Estudios e Investigaciones Laborales

_-

Labor Studies Research Centre

of

the Argentinian National Research Council)

basecl

in

Buenos Aires, having previously held positions at Loughborough and

De Montfort

(Jniversities

_in

_the UK. He has published extensively on labour-related issues. He is the author

of

Worl<place Conflict: Mol¡ilization and Solidarity

in

Argentína (Palgrave, 2010) and

of

Workers

and Lnl:our ìn a Clobalised Capitalßm (Macmillan, 2014),a

book

that analyzes labour

from

an

xvt

Conftibutors

interdisciplinary perspective and is currently

in

translation

to

Chinese and Spanish. Maurizio

serves on the editorial board

of

Work, Ëmployment and Society and

of

the _{Journal of Labor} and

Society.

Anna

Ayuso

has a

PhD

in

International Law and a Master's

in

European Studies

from

the Universiclacl Autónoma de Barcelona (UAB). Since 2002, she has been Senior Research Feliow

on Latin America issues

in CIDOB

and is former coordinator of the Intelnational Cooperation Area (19951001). She is also Associate Professol

in

International

Law

at the

UAB,

Visiting Teacher at the Institut Barcelona d'Estudis Inteln¿rcionals (IBEI), and a member

of

the Area

of

Freeclom, Securiry and Justice research group (AFSJ)

in

International Law Department at

UA3.

She sits on the editorial boards of Reuista

CIDOB

d'Afers InÍernacionals,the Interttational Journal Mural of the lJniuersidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, and the Conillas Journal of

Interna-tional Relations. She has

held

visiting positions at

the

Fundacao

Getulio

Vargas,

Colegio

de

Mexico, School

of Oriental

and African Studies, Universiry

of

Sussex, and Deutsches Institut

für Entwicklungspoiitik.

Florence

E. Babb

is the

Anthony Harrington

Distinguished Professor

of

Anthropology at

the Universiry of

North

Carolina at Chapel

Hill,

where she is affrliated

with

the Institute for

rhe Study

of

the Americas and

the

Sexualiry Studies Program. She speciaiizes

in

gender and sexualiry as well as race and class

in

Latin America. FIer most recent

book

Women\ Place ín the

Andes: Engaging Decolonial Feminist Anthropology (Unìversity of California Press, 2018) examines

feminist debates

of

the lasr

few

decacles concerning Andean women, race, and incligeneity

-debates

in

which

she participated and

now

consiclers

in

the

critical

context

of

decolonizing anthropologies.

Anthony

Bebbington

is Australia Laureate Feiiow

in

the School of Geography at the (Jniver-siry of Melbourne ancl

Milton

P. and Alice C. Higgins Professor of Environment and Society

in

the Graduate School of Geography, Clark Universiry. His research has addressed: agricultule, livelihoods, and rural development; sociai movements, NGOs, and policy processes; and

envi-ronmental governance and extractive industries. He is a director of Oxfam America, a research associâte at

RIMISP-Latin

American Centre for Rural Development, based in Chile, an eiected

member

ofthe

National Acadenry of Sciences and the American Academy

ofArts

and Sciences,

and has been a Guggenheim Fellow

Beth

Bee is Assistant Professor

in

the Department of Geography, Pianning and Environment

at East Carolina (Jniversity.

Her

research expiores the theoretical and empirical intersections between feminist theory climate change, and rural liveiihoods

in

Mexico. For example, she has

investigated the ways that knowledge production and gendered relations of power shape

aclap-tive capacity and food securiry

in

the face

of

climatic uncertainty.

More

recently, she has also

investigated the multiple forms of power and inequities embedded

in

forestry conservation

pro-jects that comprise

Mexicot

Reducing Emissions, Deforestation, and Degradation (R-EDD+) early-action activities.

Jennifer

Bickham

Mendez

is Professor

of

Sociology and

Director of

Global Studies at the College of William and Mary. She is the

x)thor

of Frcm the Reuolution to the Maquiladoras: Cender,

Lal:or and. Clobalization in Nicaragua (Duke Universiry Press, 2005), and she and Nancy Naples are co-editors

of

Border Politiæ: Socíal Mouements, Collectíue ldentity, ar¡d Globalìzalioø

(NYU

Pr.ess,2015).

Her

publications have appeareci

in

a variery of academic journals, inclucling Sociøl

Contributors

Prol:lems, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Cender and Socíety, and Mobilizatioø as

weli

as

in

numerous editecl vol-rmes.

Her

current

work

focuses on the experiences of Latino/a imnrigrants

in'Wil-liar.nsburg, Virginia, and their struggies for securiry inclusion, and belonging.

Rutgerd

Boelens is Professor of 'W.ater Governance and SocialJustice at'W.ageningen

Uni-versity; Professor of Political Ecology of 'Water

in

Latin Amelica

with

CEDLA, Universiry

of

Amsterdam; and Visiting Professor at the Catholic University of Peru and the Central lJniver-siry of Ecuador.

He

directs the _{internâtional Justicia Hídrica/'Water Justice alliance} (wwwjus

ticiahidrica.org). His r.esearch focuses on political ecology, water rights, legal plulalism, cultural poiitics, governnentaliry and social mobilization. Anrong his latest books are Water Justice

(wírh

Perreault and Vos, Cambridge Universiry Press, 201.8), Water, Power and Identity. The Cuhural

Politics oJ Water in the Andes (Routledge, 2015), ancl Out of the Mainstream: Water Ríghts, Politics and Identity (with Getches and Guevara-Gil, Earthscan ,2010) .

Sarah Bradshaw is a fenrinist scholar-practitioner. She is Professor of Gender and Sustainable

Development

in

the School

of Law

at Micldlesex Universiry. FIer research focuses

on

Latin

Amelica

and seeks

to

better understancl gendered experiences

of

poverty and promote the realization

of

genderec{ rights, She is also interested

in

gendered expetiences

of

disasters ancl

published the

first book that

considels

the

nexus between Cender, Dertelopment and Dísasters

(Elgar, 2013). She combines research

with

practice, having lobbied around'World Bank policies, advocatecl

for

the inclusion ofgenclered rights

in

LJN processes, and engaged

in

intergovern-mental negotiations around international policy frameworks.

Joe

Bryan

is Associate Professor of Geography at the Universiry of Colorado, Boulder. He has

wolked

with

indigenous peoples on napping projects

in

Nicaragua, Honduras, Chile, Mexico, and the

United

States. He is the co-author,

with

Denis 'Wood,

o{

Weaponizing Maps: Indþenots

Peoples and Counterinsu.rgency in the Anrcrictts (Guilford, 2015).

Deborah

Bush

is a black C¡eole woman fror.n the Caribbean Coast

of

Nicaragua. She has

an undergracluate degree

in

Sociology and a Master's

in

Social Anthropology. She has

com-pleted postgracluate courses

in

globalization, identiry, migration ancl autonomy, and community

forestry. She is currently the Deiegate

of

the Instituto Nicaragüense cle

Cultura

(Nicaragr-ran

Institute

of

Culture)

in

the

North

Caribbean Autonomous

Region

(RACCN).

She

is

the

founding

mernber ancl co-president

of

Afro's

Voices

Center

of

Nicaragua (AVOCENIC)

in

Puerto

Cabezas, an organization

that

develops communiry activism and builds alliances

with

legional and international organizations and universities. Deborah is also a member

of

the International Commission

of the

Color1uio Internacíonal Afrodescendiente (International

A;fro-descendant Colloqui um).

Shaun Bush is a black womân born and raised

in

the city of Puerto Cabezas, Nicaragua. Pro-fessionally she is a registered nurse

with

a speciality

in

Obstetrical-Gynaecolo¡çical Health and Labour-Deiivery. She also holds a Master''s

in

International Social'Welfare and Health Policy. She is Founding Member and Secretary

of

the

Afroi

Voices Center

of

Nicaragua

(AVOCE-NIC),

Founding Member ancl co-host

of

the

first

black

TV

programme

in

Puerto Cabezas

"Biack/Creoles:Building together our wellbeing," and former coordinator of projects in public and community health at the (Jniversiry of the Autonomous Regions of the Caribbean Coast

of Nicaragua

(URACCAN).

xv111

Conîibutors

Kendall

Cayasso-Dixon is an Afro-Costa Rican activist, teacher,journalist, reporter, and rnusi-cian, based

in Limón

in

Costa Rica where he works

to

defend and prornote Afro-descendant

culture ancl struggles.

He

has a clegree

in

Ecologicai

Tourism from

the Universidad cle Costa

Rica and teaches

in

the Centro Educativo San Marcos

in

Limón. Inspired by his urother, who is a leacling Afi'o*Costa

Rican

activist

in

Lirnón,

in

2007 Kenclall became an active member

of the Universal

Negro

Improvement Association

(UNIA)

where he has supportecl the com-munication and outreach activities of this organization.He is also a reporter

for

Prensamérica Internacional ancl the

CEO

of Townbook Limón , an organization that seeks to visibilize

Afro-descendant culture through the use of media and new technologies. Kendall is also an accom* plished musician and he manages a grorlp callecl

Di

Gucl Frenclz

Mixup

that blends the ancestral

r:hythms of the calypso of Lirnón

with

Reggae, Dancehall, Soca, and Funk.

Sylvia Chant

is Pr.ofessor ofDevelopment Geography at the London School ofEconomics and

Political Science, where she directs the MSc

in

lJrbanisation and Developnrent'

A

specialist

in

gencler and development,

with

particular interests

in

female-headecl households and the

"femi-nisation of poverry" Sylvia has conducted fìeld research in Mexico, Costa Rica, the Philippines,

ancl Ganrbia. Her latest books include Cender, Ceneration and Pouerty: Exploring the 'Feninisatíon

oJ Pouerty'in Africa, Asia and I-atin America (Elgaa 2007) and Cities, Slums and Cender ìn the Clobal

Soøtlr (Routle

dge,20|6,wirh

Cathy Mcllwaine). Sylvia is cLlrrently serving as a member of the Expert Advisory Group for

UN

'Women's Progtess of the

Worldl

Women 2018.

Guadalupe

Correa-Cabrera

is Associate Professot in the Schar School of Policy and Govern-nlent at George Mason lJniversiry.

Her

areas of expertise are Mexico-(JS relations, organized crime, inrnri¡¡ration, border security, and human traflìcking.

Her

newest book is

titled

Los Zetas Inc.: CTiminal Corporations, Energy, and Ciuil War in Mexíco (Universiry of Texas Press, 2017). She

is Past President of the Association for Borderlands Studies (ABS). She is also Global Fellow at

the'Woodrow \Vilson International Center for Scholars and Non-resident Scholar ¿t the Baker Institute's Mexico Center (Rice University).

Piergiorgio

Di

Giminiani

is Associate Professor

of

Anthropology

at the Pontifìcia

Uni-versidad Católica de Chile. He's the author

of

Sentient Lands: Indþeneity, Property and Political Imagination

ín

Neoliberal Chile (2015), an analysis of indigenous land politics

in

Mapuche areas

of

Southern Chile.

His

new

book prqect

focuses

on

forest conservation

in

Chile,

in

which

through a focus on networks of collaboration linking settlers, indigenous farmers, state agencies,

NGOs, and scientists, he explores the ways

in

which

different forms of world-making coexist, entangle, and enter

in

conflict.

Fábio Duarte

is Research Scientist at the Massachusetts Institute

of

Technology (Senseable

Ciry Lab), and Professor at the Pontificia Universiclade Catóiica do Paraná (PUCPR), Curitiba, Brazil. Duarte's books

include

lJnplugging the City: The Urbart Phenomenon and lts Sociotechnical

Controuersies (Routledge, 2018).

Rodolfo Elbert

is Researcher at Argentina's Consejo Nacional cle Investigaciones Científìcas

y Técnicas ancl Director of the "Programa cle Investigación sobre Análisis de Ciases Sociales" at

the Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani (Universidad de Buenos Aire$. His work focuses

on the iinkages between informaliry, labour, and class

in

Latin Anrerica. His research has been

published

in

Current Sociology, Critical Sociology, and Latin Amerícan Perspectiues, âmong other

Contributors

journals. He teaches on research methods and contemporary sociological theory

in

the

Depart-ment of Sociology

ofthe

Universidad de Buenos Aires and is currently a council member at the Labor Stuclies and Class Relations Section of the Latin American Stuclies Association.

Laura J.

Enríquez

is Professor of Sociology at the lJniversiry of Californìa at Berkeley. She has

published extensively on the topic

of

social transformation

in

Latin America, including several

articles focused on struggles around agrarian change in contemporary Venezuela. Her most recent

book is Reactíotts to the Marþet: Small Farners ín the Econontic Reshaping of Nicaragua, Cuba, Rnssia,

and China. FIer current work has branched out to address Latin American enrigration to Europe.

Camila

Esguerra Muelle

is a Postdoctoral Researcher at

CIDER

(Centro Interdisciplinario de Estudios sobre Desarrollo

_-

Interdisciplinary Centre

of

Studies

on

Developr.nent)

ât

rhe

Universidad de Los Andes.

They

have a

PhD

in

Humanities (sobresaliente cum laude) from the Universidacl Carlos

III

in

Madrid, an

MA in

Gender and Diversiry from the Univelsiry

of

Oviedo, an

MA in

Gender and Ethniciry from lJtrecht University, and an undergraduare degree

in

Anthropology

f}om

the Universidad Nacional de Colornbia.

They

are afhliated

with

the

CIDER

research groLlp at Universidaci de los Ancles,

with

GIEG

(Grupo Interclisciplinario de

Estudios de Génelo

_-

Interdisciplinary Gender Studies Group) ar the lJniversiclad Nacional de

Colombia and the Visual Studies Group at Pontificia UniversidadJaveriana.

Mary Finley-Brook

has taught Geography,

Envilcnnental

Studies, and Global Studies at the

University

of

Richmond

since 2006. Researching nature-sociery interactions and territorial

riglrts, she has publishecl in journals incluciing Energy Research and Social Science, Annals o;f the

American Association

of

Ceographers, Ceopolitíu, Water Alternatiues, International Forestry Reuiew,

AherNatiue, Mesoamérica, Bulletín oJ Latin Amerícan Research, ard _Jotrnal of Latin American Ceog-raphy.

l{er

current work focuses on climate and energy justice

in

marginalized comnunities

in

the .Western hemisphere.

Robert

Fletchet

is Associate ProGssor

in

the Sociology of Development and Change group

at Wageningen Universiry

in

the

Netherlands.

His

research interests inclucle conservation, development, tourism, climate change, globalization, and resistance and social movements. He

is the author o{ Romancing the Wild: Cuhural Dinensions oJ Ecotourism (f)uke

Universiq,2074)

and co-editor of NatureT'M Inc.: Enuironmental Conseruation in the Neolil:eral,4ge (Universiry

_of

Artzona,20t4).

Jasmine Gideon

is Senior Lecturer

in

Development Studies at Birkbeck, Universiry of

Lon-don. Her resealch interests are centred around the gendered political economy of heaith in Latin

America

with

a specifìc focus on three central elements: p5encler and health, globalization and development, and transnational

nigration

ancl health. She is currently

looking

at questions

of

health and well-being among Chilean exiles

in

the

tlK

as r,vell as the gendered climensions

of

privatization in the Chilean heaith sector. She is the author of Cen der, Clobalizatíon and Health in

a Latín American Context, published 1n 2074 by Palgrave Macmillan and

the

editor

of

the

Hand-booþ on Cender and Health p:ubhshed

ín

2016 by Edwarcl Eigar.

Jere

Gilles is

Associate Professor

of

Rural

Sociology

at

the lJniversiry

of

Missouri whose

work

focuses

on

natural resource manâgement, agricultural development, and

the

develop-ment of appropriate technologies. His research focuses on cleveloping ways of cornbining iocal

antl scientific knowiedge through stakeholder participation

in

order

to

improve the processes )o(

Contributors

of

technology development and extension. Previous research has focused on overgrazing and desertification, genetically

modified

maize, anð the management

of

irrigation

systems. More

recently, his attention has been focused

on

evaluating methods

for

improving forecasts

in

the

Bolivian

Altiplano

and understanding climate adaptation strategies

of

small producers

in

the region.

Charlotte Gleghorn

holcls a Lectureship

in

Latin American

Film

Studies

at the

lJniver-siry of Edinburgh. She obtained a PhD from the Universiry of

Liverpool

(2009)

with

a thesis

on women's filmmaking

fiorn

Argentina and

Blazil

and has publishecl in journals and several

edited volumes on Latin American cinema,

including

the Blacþwell-Wiley Cornpaníon to Latin American Cinema (201.7). She is co-investigator on the

AHRC

International Networking Grant

'Afro-Latin

(In)Visibilìty and the

UN

Decade,'investigating Afro-descenclant fìlmmaking, and is currently embarking

on

an

AHRC-funded

Fellowship on Indigenous Filmmaking

in

Latin

America.

Kevin Glynn

is Associate Professor

in

the

Department

of

Geography and Environmental

Sciences at

Northumbria

(Jniversiry

in

the

UK. He

has also taught at universities

in

the US and

.\otearoa/New

Zealand, where he co-founded and directeci

the

country's

only

degree

program

in

Cultural

Studies

at the

lJniversiry

of

Canterbury.

He

has published

widely in

nredia studies, cultural studies, and

critical

and cultr-rrai geography.

He

is

author

of

Tabloid Culture: Trash Taste, Popular Power, and tlrc Transjormatíon of American Teleuision (Duke

Univer-siry Press), and co-author

of

Commwications/Media/Ceographies (Routledge). F{is

nost

recent

book, co-authored

with

_Julie Cupples, ís Shifting Nicaraguan Medíascapes: Authorítarianism and the Snugglefor Social _Justice (Springer). His work has also appeared in many leacling intelnational journals ancl anthologies.

Eduardo

Gudynas is

Senior Researcher at the Centro Latinoamerican de Ecología Social (Latin American Center of Social Ecology CLAES), based

in

Uruguay. He is an expert on Lâtin

Arlerican

environmental issues and social movenents. He has conductecl research on

extractiv-isnrs and their impact on development and the environment as well as on the concept

of

l¡uen

uiuir tnd alternatives

to

development. His books include Extractiuismos y corrupciófl. Anatomía de

una íntima relación (2077) , Extractiuismos. Ecología, econotnía y polítíca de un modo de entender el

desar-rollo y la Naturaleza (2015), Derechos de la Naturaleza. Etica biocéntríca y políticas aml¡ientales (2014), EI mandato ecológico (2009), and Ecologla, economía y ética del desarrollo sostenible (2004).In 2015 he was selectecl by esglobal as being among the 50 most influential intellectuals

in

Latin America

and Spain. He blogs

ît

www.accionyreaccion.cotu

Grant Gutierrez

is

a graduate student

in

the Ecology, Evolution, Ecosystems and Sociery

PhD program at

Dartmouth

College. His research examines the role

of

social movements

in

shaping energy politics

in

Chile, particularly focused on debates concerning green energy and watershed conservation. His fìeldwork combines ethnographic methods

with

approaches

fiom

activist anthropology.

Matthew

Gutmann

is Professor of Anthropology at Brown Universiry. His books ínclude The

Meanings of Macho: Being a Man

in

Mexico City; The Rontance o;f Democracy: Compliant Defance in Mexico City; Fixing Men: Sex, Birth Control and

AIDS

in Mexico; Breaking Ranks: Iraq Veterans

Speak Out against the War

(with

Catherine Lutz);and Global l-atin America: Into the 21st Century (edited withJeffrey Lesser). He is completing Men Are Animals: An Anthropology of Sex, Violence,

Contríbutors

and Biobabble. Gutmann has a Master's

in

Public Health, ancl

in

2008 he won rhe Eileen Basker

Memorial Awarci for the best scholarþ study on gender ancl health.

Charles

R.

Hale

is

the

SAGE Sara

Miller

McCune

Dean

of

Social Sciences ar

IJC

Sanra

Barbara.He is the author of R¿sistdfice and Conhødiction: Misl<itu Intlians and the Nicaragtnn State,

1894-1987 (I99a);and"Más que un indio . .

.":

Racial Ambiualence and Neoliberal Multiculturalisnt

ít't Cuatentala (2006); the editor of Engaging Contradictions: Theory, Politics and Methods of Actiuist

Scholarshíp (2008); co-eclitor

(with Lynn

Stephen)

of

Otros Saberes: Collaboratiue Research tuith

Blacle and Indigenous Peoples in Latin America (2OM) _{;and the author of articles on acrivist}

scholar-ship, identiry politics, racism, resistance to neoliberaiism among inciigenous and Afro-clescenclant peoples.

He

was the director

of LLILAS

Benson Latin American Srudies and Collections at

Universiry

of

Texas-Austin

from

2009

to

2076 and president

of

the Latin American Studies Association from 2006

to

2007.

George

Henríquez

Cayasso has an undergraduate degree

in

Business Administration anci

Hotel

Hospitaliry _{Management and} a Master's degree

in

Gender, Ethniciry and Cultural

Citi-zenship. He is a biack

Kriol

activist, fi'eelancer, and entrepreneur,

with

a specific interesr

in

gen-der, interculturaliry conflict resolution, autonomy, advocacy, and inter-ethnic alliances. For the

past few years, he has been engaged

in

conmuniry

work

with

Äfro-descenclant and indigenous peoples,

trying

to

raise awareness

of

the Autonomy Law,

of

intercultural-bilingual eclucation, and of

telritoriality

as a strategy

for

_{the consolidation of autononry beyoncl institutionality. His}

wol'k aims to pl'omote the visibiliry of the people that live on the Nicar.agua Caribbean Coast, also known as 1¿ Moskitia.

Barbara Flogenboom

is Professor of Latin American Studies at the LJniversity ofAmsterdam (UvA), and

l)irector

_{of the Centre for Latin American Research and Docunenration}

(CEDLA-UvA). Barbara Ho¡¡enboom's field of study is the politics and governance of clevelopment and

environment.

Her

research focuses

on

the _{clashing values and interests at piay across scales}

_in

relation

with

the use of natural resources in Latin Anrerìca. Among her recent co-authored pub-lications ate Enuironmental Couernance in

Itttin

America (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016); The Extrac-tive ImperaExtrac-tive in Latin America (special issue

of

Tlle Extractiue Intlustríes and Socíety,21l6); I-atin America Facing China: South-soutlt Relations beyond the Wasltington Consensus (Berghahn Books, 2012);

The New

Politics

of Mineral

Extraction

in

Latin America (special issue _{of Journal} of

Deueloping Soci eti es, 2012).

Osvaldo

_Jordan

Ramos

hoids a Master

of Arts

in

Latin

American Stuclies and a

phD

in

Pofitical Science

fiom

the Universiry

of

Florida.

He

has worked as a consultant

for

academic institutions, non-governmental associations, and intergovernmental organizations

on

environ-mental conservation, indigenous rights, and public participation.

His

research has also focused

on _{indigenous politics, environmental conflicts, and climate change vulnerabiliry being active}

in

a number

of

environmentai and human rights organizations.

In

2001,he was a founder

of

A7íanza par:r la Conservacion

y

el Desarrollo (ACD), a Panama-basecl nonprofìt that supports the protection of indigenous territories and environmental justice.

Cristóbal

Kay

is Emelitus Professor at the International Institute

of

Social Studies, Erasm¡s

Universiry Rotterdam and at FLACSO, _Qr-rito, Ecu¿dor. He is also _{Professorial Research}

Asso-ciate, _{Department of Development Studies at SOAS, University of Lonclon. His research is}

_in

the fields of clevelopment theory and rural clevelopment stuclies. He has been the editor of the

xxll

Contributors

European _{Journal of} Deuelopment Research and a co-editor

of

the

European Reuieut of Latìn and Caribbean Studies. FIe is

curlently

an eclitor of rheJournal oJAgrarian Change.

He

is the author

of Latin American Theoríes o;f Deuelopment and Underdeuelopment and has

written

articles on Raúl

Prebisch, Celso Furtado, Solon Barraclough,

Willem

Assies, and André Gunder Frank.

Dixie

Lee Smith

is from

Bilwi,/Puerto

Cabezas, Nicaragua.

He

is an Afro-descenclant ^ca-clemic at the Universiry

of

the Autonomous Regions

of

the

Caribbean Coast

of

Nicaragua

(URACCAN),where

he directs IEPA (lnstituto para el Estudio y Prornoción de la Autonomía/ Institute for the Stucly and Promotion of Autononry).

Dixie

is a

civil

leader

who

has served as

a member of the advisory council of indigenous and Afro-descenclant peoples, createcl

by

the

United Nations Development Program

(UNDP)

in

Nicalagua.

In

2010, he co-founcled

AVO-CENIC

(Afrob Voices Center of Nicaragr-ra) whose purpose is to promote the collective rights

of the Afro-descendant people of Nicaragua.

Dixie

has also done research on Afro-descendant cultural traclitions and practices

in

Nicaragua.

Brian

Linneker

is Independent Scholar ancl Freelance Senior Researcher in Econonric

Geog-raphy. He has worked for over 25 yetrs on poverry vulnerabiliry and social exclusion for the

UK

€lovernment departments, the

UK

intemational and Latin American nâtional

NGOs

and

civii

society organizations, and

within

various acaclemic institutions inclucling the Lonclon School

of Economics and Politicai Science, King's College London,

Birkbeck

_{College, Queen}

Mary

Universiry of London, and Midcllesex lJniversiry.

Melanie

Lombard

is Lecturer

in

the Department of lJrban Stuclies and Planning at the

Uni-versity

of

Shefïìeld.

Her

research agenda involves connecting the

built

environrnent

to

social

processes through exploring the everyday activities that construct cities,

with

a focus on urban

informaliry

and land ancl conflict. She has explored these themes

in

cities

in

Latin

Americ¿

(Mexico and Colombia) ancl Europe (UK). She is currentiy under:taking research on the effects

of

the Colombian peace process on

low-income

neighbourhoods. She has published articles in jor,rrnals including Urban Studíes,Progress in Planning,Enuironment and Planning D: Society and

Space, and the Internatìonal _Joumal oJ Urban and Regional Research.

Matcelo

l-opes

de

Souza is Professor at the Department of Geography of the Federal

Univer-sity of

Rio

deJaneir.o

(UF\J),

Brazil. He acted as Acaclemic Vísitor or Visiting Professor at several

universities in Er-rrope (Germany, United Kingdom, and Spain) and Latin America (Mexico), He

has published 1 1 books and more than one hundred papers and book chapters in several languages

covering subjects such as urban theoly, the spatial climension of social movenents, and political ecology (focusing especially on environmental justice). He is one of the editors of the Brazilian urban sttrdies j ournú, Cidades, being also Associate Editor of Ci ry (published by Routledge).

Ernesto López-Morales

holds a PhD degree in Urban Planning from the Deveiopment

Plan-ning

Unit,

Universiry College London, and currently works as Associate Professor at the

Uni-versity

of

Chile.

Over

the last decade, his acarlenric

work

has focused

on

gentrification and urban clispossession

in

the Global

North

and South, as he has not only successfully and plausibly applied the gentrification concept beyoncl the

North-Atlantic

clomain,

but

also reinterpreted and bolstered edsting theory

with

critical evidence carefully analyzecl

in

Latin America. Since 2005, he has been engaged

in

empirical research on gentrifìcation in inner-ciry areas ofSantiago, Chile,

with

further comparative ernpirical research

into

several Latin Amelican cases concluctecl since 2011.

L3

REGI

O

I.{AL

O

RGANIZATI

O

NTS

ANTD

DEVELOPMEI.{T

IN

LATINAMERICA

Andrés

Malamud

Introduction

There is no established convention for the designation of"developecl" and "developing" coun-tries

in

the United Nations system. However, some of its agencies, as well as other international organizations, have created categories that can be used as proxies. For Latin America, the picture

is

grim:

on-ly Argentina and

chile

are ranked

"very high"

in

the

uNDp

Human Develop-ment Index (2016), only Chile and Uruguay are considered as "high-income economies" by rhe

'World

Bank (2017), and no Latin American country is deemecl to be an "advanced econonry" by the International Monetary Fund (2017).To the dismay of nationalists, the Commonweafth

ofPuerto Rico is included in all three top groups. Apparently, economic integration

with

the US has contributed more

to

development than nation¿l independence and regional integration

-even though Puerto

Rico

is less developed than the 50 US states. Low levels of development (as

conventionally understood) in Latin America are due to a combination of causes, some of which

are rooted at the national level while others ¿re related to the failure ofregional organizations.

In South America, notes Mazzuca (2077),income per capita is fìve times larger than in

rropi-cal Africa but five times smaller than

in

the advanced

North

Atlantic economies. This makes

of

the region neither a poster child nor a basket case as regards economic development. Mazzsca (2017:18) points to political geography as the main reason rhereof

Some countries

in

South America could have followed the economic path that Aus-tralia and

New

Zealand initiated

in

the mid-19th century. such a path was

not

fol-lowed because

of

the way

in

which

national boundaries were demarcated.

The

key legacy of the process of border demarcation was twofold: on the one hand, the creation

of

two territorial

colossuses, Argentina and Brazil, that were dysfunctional combina-tions of subnational economies; on the other, the emergence of smaller countries that were not powerfui enough to become the engine of development for South America

as a whole, Even though some small countries originally had viable economies, as was

the case of Chile and Uruguay, they were

in

fact hurt by the dysfunctional economic nature

oftheir

giant neighbors.

The

two

iargest economies were dysfunctional because a

highly

productive core region coexisted

with

a larger backward periphery

which

drained resources

in

exchange for political

156

Regional organizations and development

supporr.

Although

Mazzuca's analysis is focused on South America, he explicitly allows for its

.*rån*o"

to the rest of Latin America,

with

Mexico

in

an equivalent position to Argentina and

l'azíl,andCosta

Rica occupying a similar place âs Chile and lJruguay. Since regional

organíza-ionr.un

be decoded as politicalþ organízed geograplry,Mazzuca's analysis of political geography

a,

.nubl"r

or

obstruction

to

development is

very timely

-

though

not

unconttoversial. His

lrgu*"ntthat

dysfunctional national integration arrested both national and regional develop-n'ãrr,

op.nr

the door

to

rr;vo

rival

hypotheses.

The

optimistic hypothesis posits that national ãysfunctionalities can be overcome through efiìcient regional complementation; the pessimistic

on.

,,rgg"u, that national dysfunctionalities doom regionai cooperation, as the collective can-no, o.rido its constitutive parts. Latin American states have apparently decided

in

favour of the optimistic hypothesis, and they have accordingly tried to pursue national development through

regional organízttion at least since the mid-2Oth century.

The

paranr.ount institution behincl

,ti,

go¡

was rhe

IJN

sponsorecl Economic Commission

for Latin

America (today ECLAC),

established

in

Santiago, Chile,

in

1948'

Regional

tools for develoPment

There are three recognized sources of development: accumulation of human, physical, and social

capital; investment in innovation; and political institutions. Regional organizations ¿re instances

ofthe

last câtegory; therefore,

it

is relevant

to

understand

how political

institutions promote development.

fn.y

ao so through three mechanisms: "government credibiliry legal protection and enforcement, and public good provision. These factors âre tantamount

to

selÊrestriction,

restriction

of

others, and enabling

of

others respectively" (Arias,2015: 421)

_-

or,

to simplift

democracy, rule of law and public goods.

Each

of

the

mentioned factors can

be

disaggregated

for

analytical pilrposes: democracy

encompasses checks and balances, universal franchise, and competitive elections; the rule of law

guarântees properry rights and contract enforcement; and public goods include interstate peace

and security, larger fìnancial and trade markets, and connectiviry infrastructure such as energy and transportation, Regional organizations

in

Latin America can be evaluated according to the degree to which they have addressed these issues.

Democrøcy

Initiaily, democracy was neirher a goal

of nor

a condition

for

regional integration.

Both

the Latin American Free Trade Association (LÀFTA) and the Central American Conrmon Market (CACM), created

in

1960, jnciuded non-democrâtic governments âmong their founding

mem-bers. Moreover, neither of

then

mentioned the word "democracy" in their foundational treaties. Economic development and regional integration were conceived of as purely technical issues,

in

complete isolation from the type of government of the member stâtes and the decision-making procedures of the newly established common institutions.

Only

after the

third

wave

of

democratization,

which

in

Latin America began

in

1978,

did

the

link

between regional organizations and dernocracy emerge.

In

the early i990s, the issue

of

democracy

took

centre stage

in

the three main Latin American blocs. In Mercosur, the founda-tional treaty was signed only after Paraguay got

rid

of its long-time dictator, President Stroessner,

and joined previously democratized Argen tina,BrazíL, artd Uruguay

in

1991 .

At

around the same rime, between 1989 and 1990, the Andean Communiry was revived through the establishment

of a new body, the Andean Presidential Council.

The

connection of the new institution

with

democracy was made evident when

it

suspended Peruvian membership in the wake ofPresident

Fujimori's 7992 autogolpe

_-

or

self coup,which ironically means rhe opposite as

Fujimori

dis* solveci congress so thât he could holcl power unchecked.

In

Central Anierica, pacifìcation and

democratization

led

to

the institutionahzation of presidential meetings

in

|96t,t.r,rrfo.roinl

the

CACM into

the Central _{American Integration System (SICA).}

_By

_{the mid-1990s, all ,uUl} regional organizations in Latin America had turned from complete indiflerence to full

commit-ment to democracy. The time was ripe for the next step:the development of democratic clauses.

Democratic clauses are the operative

instrunent

of democratic conditionaliry. In turn,

denr-ocratic conditionality is a strategy developed

by

some international organizations

to

induce candidate and/or member states

to

compiy

with

their

democracy standards. SICA signed the Framework Treary on Democratic Security

in

1995,which promoted _{democracy and the rule} of law

in

all the member states; Mercosur _{adopted a democratic clause through the Ushuaia} Protocol

_in

1998; and the Andean

Communiry did

alike

through

the

Additional

prorocol

to

the

Cârtagena Agreement

in

2000.

They

were crowned

by

the

Inter-American

Demo-cratic Charter, adopted on 11 September

200i

by a special session of the General Assembly

_of

the Organization of American States held

in

_{Lima, Peru. However, several studie, hr¡r"}

qu.r-tioned the effectiveness of democratic conditionalities

in

generai and of democratic clauses

in

particular.

A{ier

analysing three cases

in

the European

union,

schimmelfennig, Engert, and Knobel

(2003; 515) conclude "that the impact of democratic conditionaliry

h",

t...,

marginal, bur not irrelevant." Domestic conditions, i.e. governmental cost-benefìt calculations, âppear to be more

important for compliance than reinforcenent _{by reward. Governments and state elites were far} more decisive for _{effectiveness than societal conditions or transnational channels. This is}

coin-cident

with

the conclusion _{arrived atby Yan der Vleuten and}

_Ribeiro

_{Hoflrnann (2010:737),}

who

found out that'

in

the EU, Mercosur and the South African Deveiopment Communiry violations

of

democratic principles sometimes go unsanctioned. They argue that the

enfor.ce-ment of a democratic clause _{depends on whether "intervention}

_{,.ru", ih.}

ieopoiitical, dornestic

political or material intel'ests of regional leading powers, or

if

pressure by a third-parry

with

a

matching identity increases the reputational costs

of

non-intervention"

_þ1

_{der Vleuten and} Ribeiro Hofünann, 2010:755). They conclude

in

a reaiist vein:

in

rhe absence of external

pres-sure, "the interests of the regional leading power explain the behaviour of a regional

orgunir^-tion" ffan

der

vleuten

and

_{Ribeiro Hoftnann, 20ro:755).This}

_{fìnding anticipated}

_why

_the inrpeachrnents of Paraguay's Fernando Lugo

in

201,2 and. Brazil's Dilma Rouss eff

in

201d

pro-voked different regional reâctions:

whiie

both Mercosur and

UNASUR

suspended paraguay's

membership, they did not even convene to discuss the events that took place in Brazil.

Closa and Paiestini (2015) have taken a step further to show thar, in Larin America, rhe

adop-tion

of

democratic protection mechanisms

by

regional organizations has

not

contributed per

se

to

clemocratic consolidation. Instead, the performance

of

those mechanisms ..is tied

to

the interests of governments that are both their rule makers and their enforcers

in

concrete political

crises" (Ciosa and Palestini, 2015: 8). Hence, governmenß design a democratic clause to

mini-mize its probabiliry to escape their discretionary controi, so

it

ends _{up enforcing regime stabiliry}

rather than _{democracy. Closa and Palestini suggest that this bias}

_in

_favour

_of

_the

incumbent governments is not exclusive of the organization they study, i.e.

UNASUR,

but structural to the

link

_{between regional organizations and democracy}

_in

_{Latin America.}

At

_{the regional level, several organizations have established some}

_kind

_{of parliament or}

par-liamentary assembly (Malamud and

De

Sousa,2007).

In

_{some counrries, among which various} member states of SICA, the Andean Communiry and Mercosu¡ parliamentarians are popularly elected' However,

in

no case _{have these parliaments legislative authoricy. Regional decisions are}

made by consensus

_ofthe

_{national executives.}

Andrés Malømud

158

Regional organizations ønd detelopment

Two conclusions are

in

order. First, Latin Àmerican regional organizations have evolved from

democratíc inclifference

to

democratic protection,

but their

effìcacy as guarantors

of

national

democracy has been

low

at best. Second, as long as such thing as regional democracy exists,

it

is

rooted exclusively at the national level.

Rule

oflaw

Well-defìned and protected properry rights incentivize innovative entrepreneurship, while con-tract enforcement prevents parties from failing to honour their contracts (Arias, 2015: 425).The crucial agents to perform these tasks are the courts oflaw.

Several regional courts exist in Latin America. The Inter-American Court of Fluman Rights, established

in

7979,belongs

to

the Organization of American States system and is focused on

limiting state ârbitrariness towards individuals rather than guaranteeing properly rights and

con-tract enforcement or adjudicatin¡ç

in

conflicts between states. The latter functions are

purport-edly performed by three subregional rather than hemispheric courts: the

Court

ofJustice of the Andean Community (founded

in

1979), the Central American

Court

ofJustice (which was

in

operation between 1907 and

19t7

and was reestablished

in

1991), and Mercosurt Permanent

Review

Tribunai

(inaugurated

ín

2004).

Of

these multi-purpose tribunals,

the

most deeply scrutinized has been the Andean Cou¡t.

,{ccording

to

Helfer, Alter, and Guerzovich

(2009:45),"the

Andean

Tribunal

ofJustice is

one of the most active international courts

in

a

world

increasingly populated

by

internationâl courts and tribunals," Its agenda is dominated

by

disputes relating

to

trademarks, patents, and orher intellectual properry rights,

which

within

the Andean

Community

are regulated at the regional rather than the national level. Helfer, Alter, and Guerzovich (2009: 8) fincl that the

Tri-bunal "has contributed to building an effective rule

oflaw

for intellectual properry

in

a region of relatively weak national legal systems." This has created economically valuable and

enforce-able private properry rights and has increased national agencies'fideiiry to the rule oflaw. They

conclude that,as a result of its more than 1,400 rulings,"intellectual properry protection

in

the Andean Community looks different than

it

does elsewhere in Latin America" (Helfer, Alter, and Guerzovich, 2009:46), having established what they enthusiastically ca17"a rule-oÊlaw island." They only temper their enthusiasm to admit that the growing ideoiogical differences that divide the member states "have hampered efforts

to

adopt new regional laws and enabled the

United

States to negotiate

with

Andean countries bilaterally.

In

these one-on-one settings, the

United

States possesses far greater leverage to pressure each country to adopt policies that favour

Amer-ican interests" (Helfer, A1ter, and Guerzovich, 2009:47). Notably enough, the European

lJnion

adopted the same one-on-one setting when

it

accepted that a bi-regional agreement be signed

only

by

Colonrbia and Peru

tn2012,

to

the exclusion

of Bolivia

and Ecuador (the latter

of

whichjoined

in2017).

Mercosurk

Tribunal

has been far iess active than its Andean counterpart. Indeed,

it

issued

only six infringement proceedings and three preliminary rulings between 2005 and 2072, after which

it

did not produce any further rulings. Neither fìrms nor individuals are allowed to resort

to the Tribunal, which is only accessible to the governments and courts of the member states.

The most resounding case that the

Tribunal

had

to

hear regarded the suspension of Paraguay after the ousting

of

President Lugo,

in

2012. -Ihe

plaintiff

claimed that the measuÍe violated Mercosur's norms, while the clefendants argued that the Tribunal had no competences to

inter-vene, as the issue was political and not judiciable. The justices (or more accurately arbiters, as the

five

Tribunal

members are not judges according

to

Mercosur reguiations) settled the dispute

with

a decision that split the difference between the largest states . . . and the court itself. First,