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(1)

The global dimensions of

saving in China

Luis Servén

The World Bank

(2)

Plan

1.

China’s saving and global imbalances

2.

What drives saving in China?

3.

Prospects: has saving peaked yet?

4.

Summary

(3)

Global imbalances

China runs the world’s biggest current

account surplus – in excess of 0.5% of

global GDP since 2005

In recent years, it has accounted for half or

more of the U.S. overall deficit

As a result, it has amassed a huge stock

of foreign reserves – bigger than that of all

industrial countries combined

(4)

Current account imbalances

(% of world GDP)

-2,5 -2,0 -1,5 -1,0 -0,5 0,0 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 19 80 19 81 19 82 19 83 19 84 19 85 19 86 19 87 19 88 19 89 19 90 19 91 19 92 19 93 19 94 19 95 19 96 19 97 19 98 19 99 20 00 20 01 20 02 20 03 20 04 20 05 20 06 20 07 20 08 20 09 20 10

China Asia (ex China) EU United States Oil Exporters Other countries

(5)

U.S. bilateral current account balances

(U.S. $ bn)

-900 -800 -700 -600 -500 -400 -300 -200 -100 0 100 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

China Japan EU OPEC Others Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis

(6)

Foreign reserves

(U.S. $ bn)

Source: IFS 0 1.000 2.000 3.000 4.000 5.000 6.000 19 90 19 91 19 92 19 93 19 94 19 95 19 96 19 97 19 98 19 99 20 00 20 01 20 02 20 03 20 04 20 05 20 06 20 07 20 08 20 09 20 10

China EM Asia (ex China) Latin American & Caribbean Oil Exporters

0 1.000 2.000 3.000 4.000 5.000 6.000 19 90 19 91 19 92 19 93 19 94 19 95 19 96 19 97 19 98 19 99 20 00 20 01 20 02 20 03 20 04 20 05 20 06 20 07 20 08 20 09 20 10 US Japan EU

(7)

Foreign reserves

(% of short-term external debt)

0% 200% 400% 600% 800% 1000% 1200% A rge n tin a B razil Chile Chin a C olo m bia In d o n e sia Ma laysia M e xico Peru P h ili p p ine s Th a lia n d V iet n a m S o u th A fri ca 1989 1999 2009 100%

(8)

-5 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

Current account (right)

China: saving, investment and the current

account

(percent of GDP)

Source: WDI

Global imbalances

What accounts for China’s large – and rising – current account surpluses?

(9)

-5 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

Saving Investment Current account (right)

China: saving, investment and the current

account

(percent of GDP)

Global imbalances

What accounts for China’s large – and rising – current account surpluses?

(10)

Gross domestic investment (percent of GDP) 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

China High Income Middle Income Low Income World

Global imbalances

It’s not low investment: relative to GDP, it is among the

(11)

Global imbalances

Source: WDI

Gross National Saving (percent of GDP)

It is that saving is even higher: it has risen by some 15% of GDP since 2000, to exceed 50% of GDP at present

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

(12)

Source: WDI 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 CHN JPN USA GBR FRA

Gross National Saving (percent of GDP)

(13)

Source: WDI

BRICs: Gross National Saving (percent of GDP)

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

CHN BRA RUS IND

(14)

Source: WDI

Total consumption (percent of GDP)

40 50 60 70 80 90 100 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

China High Income Middle Income Low Income World

Equivalently, China’s consumption share of GDP is very low (and has declined abruptly since 2000)

(15)

Source: WDI

Total consumption (percent of GDP)

40 50 60 70 80 90 100 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

CHN JPN USA GBR FRA KOR

(16)

Source: WDI

BRICs: Total consumption (percent of GDP)

40 50 60 70 80 90 100 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

CHN BRA RUS IND

(17)

Saving in China

Significant global rebalancing must include a

decline in China’s saving (a rise in C/Y)

But who is doing the saving?

Gross saving (% of GDP)

2000 2008 Change

Households 17.5 23.9 6.4

Enterprises 16.5 22.9 6.4

Government 3.3 8.7 5.3

(18)

Saving in China

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008

China: composition of national saving (% GDP)

Household Corporate Government Source: based on Kuijs (2006)

(19)

Emerging Asia: composition of national

saving

(% of GDP)

(20)

Saving in China

Household, enterprise and government shares of total income

(21)
(22)

Saving in China

Why has government saving risen?

Rising government income relative to GDP

o Rising tax collection

o Decline in transfers paid – including social welfare, social insurance…

 big part of the income rise: close to 4% of GDP since late 90s

Declining government consumption relative to

GDP

o As percent of government income, the rise in government saving is even more significant

(23)

Saving in China

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

As share of GDP As share of disposable income

China: government saving

Source: based on Kuijs (2006)

Note: government disposable income = value added + taxes + property income + net transfers – wages

(24)
(25)

Saving in China

Relative to disposable income, household saving has also risen more steeply than relative to GDP – because income has

(26)

Note: gross saving for China and the U.K.; net saving for the rest. Source: OECD and NBS

Saving in China

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

Household saving rates (Percent of disposable income)

(27)

Note: gross saving for China, France, and Spain; net saving for the rest. Source: OECD and NBS

Saving in China

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

Household saving rates (percent of disposable income)

(28)

Household saving

Why is it so high – and rising?

Natural explanation: life-cycle saving with

rapid income growth

o The young save more during working age than the old dis-save after the end of their working life.

o As a result, aggregate saving rises with faster income growth.

(29)

Household saving

In addition, demographic change also plays a

major role in China’s household saving rise

(30)

Children are a major source of support in old

age – a close substitute for tangible assets

o e.g., in China 40% of all transfer income received by parents comes from eldest child

Other things equal, a reduction in fertility must

raise saving

Shift in population policy

(“one child”, 1972):

o decline in household size (by 1 on average)

o much higher saving rates for households close to retirement – especially if they have only 1 daughter

 By close to 25% of disposable income (Banerjee et al 2010)

(31)

Household saving: population policies I

Year of birth of eldest child

Ho u seh ol d siz e (r ela tiv e to 1 96 7)

Population policies have led to a significant decline in household size

(32)

Year of birth of eldest child Ho u seh ol d sa ving

Source: Banerjee, Meng and Qiang (2010)

Households affected by population policies exhibit significantly higher saving

(33)

A different demographic mechanism: under

one-child, preference for sons boosts the male/female

ratio

China’s ratio is far above biological averages

o Biological ratio at birth: 1.06. China’s: 1.20 in 2005; 1.24 in 2007. About 25 million ‘excess males’ age < 25.

‘Competitive saving’: households with a son raise

saving to improve his ‘marriage market’ chances

o Evidence that saving is higher in regions with more skewed sex ratios (Wei and Zhang 2009)

o Also, households with a son save more in such regions o Quantitatively important effect in rural areas

(34)
(35)

These ingredients go some way to explain

rising household saving. But numerical

calculations show they are not enough.

Another hint: life-cycle age profiles of saving

should be hump-shaped

– rise and peak

during working life, and then decline

Recent Chinese data show a very different

pattern

(36)

Sa ving / dissa ving Age death retirement

Age profile of saving in the simple life-cycle model

A

B

The faster income growth, the more the area in A (positive saving) exceeds the area in B (dis-saving)

(37)

Source: Prasad (2009)

Saving by age of household head China 2005

(38)

Household saving

Something else is going on – what is it?

Rising income uncertainty

from rapid structural change under fast growth

Weak(-ening) social protection system

decline in public provision of pensions, education, health, housing…

They tend to have mutually reinforcing effects on

saving -- especially with underdeveloped

(39)

Income uncertainty

Sectoral shifts and labor reallocation following

China’s pro-market reforms likely imply a

significant rise in (idiosyncratic) income risk

o E.g., clear evidence of higher frequency of worker transitions to unemployement in the 2000s

o Likely bigger effect with faster growth – more churning

o With weak unemployment insurance, this prompts higher precautionary saving (i.e., self-insurance) – especially for young workers without assets.

o Quantitatively this effect appears significant in China

(40)
(41)

Weak / declining social protection

Pension reform: weakening of the old SOE-based public retirement system

o decline in replacement ratios -- from 80% under old system to some 60% for those retiring after 1997

o Individuals are left to bear much of retirement risk

o Quantitatively important effect on saving -- especially for

households close to retirement (by up to 8% of their income)

Declining public provision of health, education, housing

o Young households save more for education, housing purchases

o Older households raise their precautionary saving to self-insure against health risks

(42)

Household saving

These ingredients have mutually reinforcing

effects

E.g., the weak social protection system

encourages precautionary saving further when

there is reduced intra-household risk sharing (due

to one-child policy)

The effects are also stronger with restricted

access to borrowing (e.g., for education, housing

purchases, adverse income shocks)

(43)
(44)

Enterprise saving

In China it is far above the international norm

(45)

80 85 90 95 100 5 10 15 20 25 1 9 9 3 1 9 9 4 1 9 9 5 1 9 9 6 1 9 9 7 1 9 9 8 1 9 9 9 2 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 2 0 0 2 2 0 0 3 2 0 0 4 2 0 0 5 2 0 0 6 2 0 0 7

Enterprise saving

As percent of GDP As percent of disposable income (right scale) Source: NBS data

After declining in the 1990s, earnings retention has risen back to 90%

(46)

Enterprise saving

Why is it so high?

o Fewer studies than for household saving

Corporate governance:

o SOEs under no obligation to distribute dividends

Financial market underdevelopment

o Only large and connected firms (esp. SOEs) have easy access to credit – now changing?

o Retained earnings are by far the biggest source of investment financing

(47)
(48)

Enterprise saving

Household-firm saving offset is weak in China

(while close to 100% in rich countries)

No big dividends for households to spend

Hard for individuals to borrow against firm wealth

Limited access to outside financing may force

firm owners to save extra to self-insure against

idiosyncratic investment risk (Sandri 2010).

o Hence an increase in investment following pro-market reform may imply an even bigger increase in saving o Blur between household and enterprise saving

(49)
(50)

Prospects for saving

There are good reasons to think that

China’s saving rate may have peaked

New requirements that SOEs distribute

dividends (since 2008)

Rising trend for wages (e.g., large minimum

wage increases in many provinces in 2010)

will erode enterprises’ share of total income

Development of financial markets will reduce

firms’ resort to retained earnings in

(51)

Prospects for saving

These ingredients will likely reduce saving by

enterprises. What about households?

China’s demographic transition is proceeding fast

o The dependency ratio (non-working age / working age population) bottomed out at 38.5% in 2010 – but it is projected to reach 65% in 2050

o Old-age dependency will rise from 11% to 39% by 2050 -- similar to what is projected for Japan.

o The declining share of working-age population and the rise in old dependency will surely reduce saving rates. However, this is likely to be a very gradual process.

(52)

Prospects for saving

Other ongoing changes are likely to push in

the same direction

As income growth eventually declines, so will

saving rates, via standard life-cycle effects.

Reforms under way will also speed up the

decline in household saving

Financial system development

o easier access to credit should reduce saving,

especially for lumpy purchases (e.g., housing) and among young households.

(53)

Prospects for saving

Social safety net improvements

o Enhanced social insurance against idiosyncratic risk (e.g., unemployment, poor health) will lower

the need for self-insurance through asset hoarding. o Public social spending is quite low and can only be

expected to rise

Pensions Health

China 2.2 2.2

Average of 20 emerging markets 4.2 2.7 Rich-country average 7.4 6.9

Source: IMF (2010)

Public expenditure on pensions and health

(54)

54

Source: Baldacci et al (2010)

•The marginal effect on household saving is nonlinear – it is higher at lower levels of social expenditure

•The effect on total saving depends on how public spending is

financed – and the exent to which insurance replaces self-insurance

(55)

Summary

China’s extremely high saving rate (> 50% of

GDP) is a key aspect of global imbalances.

Saving rates of both households and firms

exceed by far the international norm – and

both have risen sharply since the1990s.

From a welfare standpoint, such high saving is

unlikely to be desirable.

High enterprise saving reflects limited outside

(56)

Summary

Rising household saving is partly a result of

rapid income growth.

But it also reflects (costly) self-insurance

against idiosyncratic risks, the weak(-ened)

social safety net, and the one-child policy.

Ongoing demographic transition and a likely

growth decline will reduce saving – slowly.

Financial system development and stronger

social safety nets will help speed up the

(57)
(58)
(59)

China: household saving

(% of disposable income)

Source: Chamon, Liu and Prasad 2010 (NBS and URHS data)

While there are large discrepancies between macro and micro household saving data, both show a steep rising trend – and a level far above the international norm

(60)

Household saving: population policies I

Year of birth of eldest child

Ho u seh ol d siz e (r ela tiv e to 1 96 7)

Population policies have led to a significant decline in household size

(61)

Year of birth of eldest child Ho u seh ol d sa ving

Source: Banerjee, Meng and Qiang (2010)

Households affected by population policies exhibit significantly higher saving

(62)

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