It is generally accepted that advertising is an element of progress, of economic and social development. It orients, it supplies information and, it spreads culture, hygiene habits, elegance and good taste. It generates markets, increases demand, intensifies production and lowers prices. Although it was only after World War II that advertising has found its true path, with serious and rational organization, studied and practiced by technicians and structured in scientific models, some advertisements in thenineteenthcentury had already an intentional commercial attitude. Regarding habit creation, there is, for instance, daily shaving. This habit was imposed by a razor blades manufacturer, who focused his ads on hygiene and man’s elegance. He imposed a style and a habit which was generally adopted. Blades were expensive at first, but they ended up with a huge share of the market, which allowed prices to drop to a minimum. In the end, such products, which were too expensive for the general public, have become accessible, even if they were still classified as luxury goods. In view of this there is the extraordinary contribution given by the manufacturers of perfumes, soaps and beauty creams, and by the owners of fashion shops (Basic Notions of Publicity 1964).
Embora The Food Plot in theNineteenth-Century British Novel não estabeleça relações directas entre os Estudos sobre a Alimentação e os Estudos sobre a Utopia (existem apenas duas curtas referências no texto, nas páginas 86 e 205, respectivamente, atribuindo uma faceta utópica à divisão do trabalho e à vida comunitária), a análise das obras de H. G. Wells, The Time Machine (1895) e The Island of Doctor Moreau (1896) explora a substituição do enredo do casamento por narrativas imperiais predatórias, nas quais os heróis satisfazem o seu apetite pelo conhecimento. Importa ressalvar também que é
sponded to the all municipality, meanwhile reduced. The limits established for the parishes are very similar to the 1826’s. Concerning the parishes that became the municipality boundary, there are obvious differ- ences, caused by the creation of a circumvallation road, which divided some parishes intra and extra the city walls. These parishes drawing can be used be- tween 1852 and 1885, since during these 33 years only very little changes happened caused by two parishes’ annexation.
artist, who valued the underlying concepts in his art at least as much as the material realisation hereof, there is no need to justify why he gave up painting and switched from high art to low art . Perhaps he was merely searching for more appropriate media to express a developing principle of revitalizing humanity , and to extend his audience. There is no need either to look for reasons in an inventory providing information on which a specific linear motif was designed when, where, and for which purpose, as it will not reveal a clear-cut process of abstraction, let alone the supposed large transition from art nouveau to modernism. On the other hand, the formation process of Van de Velde s values and concepts may clarify the reason why his oeuvre manifests a great homogeneity in spite of both the diverse circles he frequented, and his being receptive to art in all media and forms.
use of Antiquar throughout his study therefore makes good sense, but it should be noted that the connotations of the German word are somewhat different. Its modern sense, which dates back at least to thenineteenthcentury, is dealer in antiquities , most often in old books specifically—which is certainly appropriate for Hönes s third protagonist, Christie (who ran the famous auction house founded by his father, James Christie Sr). My subjective impression is that the term is less widely used by eighteenth-century German antiquaries themselves, whether pejoratively or not (the explicitly pejorative Alterthümler, as Hönes notes in passing, was also available to them)—so an explicit discussion of the usage of Antiquar in German would have been very welcome. 7 The term is certainly appropriate to the English and
shows the importance of context in the labelling of a region as a centre or as a periphery. Sometimes it is hard to apply those concepts, for example when considering Minahasa’s place as a major link in a trade network stretching from the south-eastern islands to China. In the early modern period, the region was formally a periphery of the realms of Ternate and Makassar. In addition, for decades it had a place at the very extremity of the line that crossed the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, with its starting point in Spain. Later Minahasa became a remote out- station of the VOC, and this spatial isolation from the headquarters of European overlords continued in thenineteenthcentury. Minahasa seemed to be a periphery, but at the same time it was a centre as a result of its significant and quite autonomous position in what became the colonial state. In thenineteenthcentury, its relationships with Batavia were loose and mainly formal. Because of its vanguard position in the fields of Western-style education and the Christian religion, as well as its special economic characteristics, Minahasa became the centre for nearby regions. As the colonal state crystallized, it lost its special and privileged position, a process that was accelerated after Indonesia’s independence.
In the Chasteen translation, the language of race is updated to a conventionally acceptable idiom: "person of color" is what mainstream media would use today. The 1963 Caldwell translation approximates more closely thenineteenth-century term that would be offensive today, in the US and in Brazil respectively. The question remains what it means to craft a translation that fits the sensibility of the source culture, a translation that makes it more comfortable for students to discuss the story because it does not contain language they find offensive or outdated. There are ethical reasons to preserve the offensive historical terms, in order to demonstrate the underlying dehumanization of the social milieu in this story. Yet there are also ethical reasons to avoid putting offensive terms into circulation in the classroom today; in a university population that is not as diverse as it should be, creating a safe conversation about race is a challenge, and could be made more difficult with incendiary terms.
preponderance of tales championing him as a role model for children modifies our understanding of Cortona s posthumous reputation and challenges the belief that he was universally condemned until the reversal of fortune of the Baroque as a whole in the twentieth century. This notion is derived purely from the theoretical literature. The recovery of these stories suggests that his reputation in thenineteenthcentury was more balanced and that the general population responded not so hostilely to his name as his critics would have us believe. The paradox between popular and critical reception indicates that Cortona s life and work were considered two separate things the former was worthy of emulation even if the latter was not. This is a notable departure from the conventional and expected conflation of biography and criticism, or filtering an artist s work through his life history by viewing it as an expression of his character. It is unlikely that most readers would have had even the vaguest familiarity with Cortona s work, let alone have any concept of what a controversial and unpopular figure he was amongst critics. ‚s Sir Michael Levey noted in his survey of the theme of painters in paintings, ‛y thenineteenthcentury, the possibilities for subject-matter are endless. It would be far easier to make a list of those painters who were not depicted than those who were; what seems striking in this connection is that the painters usually thought of as rediscovered during that century tend not to be popular as subjects for pictures. Few or no pictures feature Botticelli, Piero della Francesca, Ghirlandaio and so on; Fra Angelico is not common, nor is Jan van Eyck . 66 The same can be said for the literature of the period.
Abstract: he life stories of ive Balkan Anglophiles emerging in thenineteenthcentury — two Serbs, Vladimir Jovanović (Yovanovich) and Čedomilj Mijatović (Chedomille Mijatovich); two Greeks, Ioannes ( John) Gennadios and Eleutherios Venizelos; and one Bulgarian, Ivan Evstratiev Geshov — relect, each in its own way, major episodes in relations between Britain and three Balkan Christian states (Serbia, the Hellenic Kingdom and Bulgaria) between the 1860s and 1920. heir education, cultural pat- terns, relations and models inspired by Britain are looked at, showing that they acted as intermediaries between British culture and their own and played a part in the best and worst moments in the history of mutual relations, such as the Serbian-Ottoman crisis of 1862, the Anglo-Hellenic crisis following the Dilessi murders, Bulgarian atrocities and the Eastern Crisis, uniication of Bulgaria and the Serbo-Bulgarian War of 1885, the Balkan Wars 1912–13, the National Schism in Greece. heir biog- raphies are therefore essential for understanding Anglo-Balkan relations in the pe- riod under study. he roles of two British Balkanophiles (a Bulgarophile, James David Bourchier, and a Hellenophile, Ronald Burrows) are looked at as well. In conclusion, a comparison of the Balkan Anglophiles is ofered, and their Britain-inspired cultural and institutional legacy to their countries is shown in the form of a table.
Unlike the transatlantic migratory processes that occurred during thenineteenthcentury and at the beginning of the twentieth century, to Brazil, Argentina, Australia, Canada and the United States, among other countries, which were of “definitive” nature and took place in connection with population growth policies and the specific requirements of the local employment markets, international migration today occurs increasingly as a response to “temporary” demands for a labor force and to displacement of groups of people who are expelled from their communities and/or countries due to environmental factors, wars and other consequences generated through the worldwide neoliberal hegemony.
Economic growth receives constant attention from historians, economists and intellectuals. Worries about economic development in Portugal date back to the illuministic ideals of the eighteenth century, based on a liberal agrarian blueprint to put in motion agricultural modernization. This liberal climate in economic doctrines paved the way for the dissemination of the Classical paradigm in Portugal, as it did in most of the European countries. The real contact with dominant Political Economy thought was made in the beginning of theNineteenth-century through both the translation of Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations into Portuguese, 1 and the influence of leading Portuguese expatriated intellectuals. Most of these intellectuals came back into Portugal after the success of the Liberal revolution in 1820 and brought with them those cultural influences. Political Economy perspectives shaped by the Classical School reached Portugal also through French authors because Portuguese had a higher literacy in French than in English. The less formal style used by Jean Baptiste Say may also explain the success of French texts in Portugal, as opposed to the difficult style used by David Ricardo.
Despite its commercial centrality, fears of the outbreak of various diseases produced an image of the city as a metropolis of pestilence. The tropical climate that made the region agriculturally productive and the city a lucrative locale also led elites to view the port as unsanitary and physically unattractive for settlement, due to its susceptibility to diseases such as yellow fever and malaria (García Díaz, 1994; Ochoa Contreras, Velásquez Ortíz, 1986; Siemens, 1990; Southworth, 1900). In the Atlantic world in thenineteenthcentury, the theories of miasmas and contagion dominated notions around the spread of diseases like yellow fever. The theory of miasmas “held that the cause of illnesses and epidemics was bad environmental conditions. These conditions ranged from temperature to unhealthy living conditions” (Lodola, Gois Junior, 2015, p.2). Individuals focused on contagion argued that “diseases spread through contact with a sick person” (p.2). The aforementioned period predates scientific advances in research on the spread of yellow fever in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; as such, researchers from the time of this study did not know of the transmission of yellow fever to humans by the bites of the Aedes aegypti mosquito. Indeed, when viewing the spread of yellow fever, one sees that both the supporters of contagion and those of miasmas held some accuracy during their time. The disease spread from unhealthy hosts to healthy individuals and the climate and environmental conditions had to be just right for the living conditions of the A. aegypti mosquito to persist. More specifically, during the rainy season the health hazards related to yellow fever increased dramatically because mosquito larvae were able to grow in large pools of standing water throughout the city. Indeed, government officials’ poor handling of public hygiene and sanitation, combined with the region’s climatic conditions, positioned Veracruz as a perfect incubator for yellow fever. Beyond the actual outbreaks of disease, many travelers noted the irony that the two hospitals in the city served more as potential health hazards than places of refuge and recovery (Archer, 1971, p.430). The contagious people in the hospital served as hosts for yellow fever, and the mosquitoes living in standing water near and within the hospitals could easily infect large numbers of people hospitalized for other health-related issues. Increased health concerns based on rumor and reality in Veracruz reinforced the notions of this city as a metropolis of pestilence.
Thenineteenth-century capitals, such as London and Paris, were undoubt- edly cities of mirrors. Symbolic climate of the emerging consumerist attitudes to- wards the reflection made the mirror a perfect embodiment of these attitudes, and due to the intense innovation in the technology and production of cheap glass, Lon- don – as one of the capitals of thenineteenthcentury – was, by the middle of thecentury, completely covered in it. Everything could be made of this old but new material. “Ink stands, paper weights, knives, pen traysĽ” lists the Illustrated Exhibi- tor and Magazine of Arts in 1852, “lamp pedestals, candelabra, candlesticks, salt cellars, knife-rests, mustard pots, sugar basins, butter coolers, smelling-bottles, flower-vases, door-knobs, moldings, panels, chandeliers, surgeo Чs’ speculae, rail- way and other reflectШrs” (Cassell 1852, 70-71). Every building in the center of London had ground floor covered in glass shop windows. Interiors of cafés, shop- ping malls and restaurants reflected consumers as they browsed the goods. In the urban shop windows, public mirrors, barber mirrors and café mirrors, one never saw ШЧО’s own image from the same angle, there was always a slightly different image reflected back to the perceiver. The copiousness and size of public reflective surfac- es literally revolutionized the way a subject interacted with its own corporeal and psychic coherence.
Abstract: The road structure of colonial settlement of Serra Gaúcha is examined as a resource for cultural tourism routes. The region, established by European immigration settlement, presents his- toric features and economic potential defined by its roads. Therefore, the tourist routes are justified by memorial elements from the immigration colonies. This research adopts the historical-genetic method within which the mapping of the road network is done, surveying the pioneering communi- ties in the colonial settlement. It is known that the occupation started on the second quarter of thenineteenthcentury contributing to the formation of Caxias, Conde d'Eu and Dona Isabel colonies (the first populated places that give rise to the municipalities of Caxias do Sul, Garibaldi and Bento Gonçalves), all in northeastern Rio Grande do Sul. This recognition promotes regional studies, the identification of new forms of appropriation and the recognition of spatial logic, based on the theory of location. Its result enables future identification of cultural tourism resources and its regional structure.
U. S. cotton was used during the First Industrial Revolution – sowed, reaped, pitted and packed by slaves that lived in the South. An increasingly larger scale of exportations and the demographic growth of enslaved population – that created the most numerous population of slaves that there has ever been – indicate the successful adaptation of slavery in the U. S. to thenineteenthcentury industrial capitalism. Besides exportation to England, cotton based U. S. industrial revolution in the period previous to the U. S. Civil War. Thus, we come to a remarkable segregation: the Northeast was the finances and industry center – also producing several edibles due to local commerce. Enabling the construction of channels linking the Great Lakes to the Hudson river and financing the farming expansion to the Middle-West integrated economically that region and kept the financing on slave properties in the South. Thus, New York became a warehouse interlinking cotton exportations and the selling of fibre at the dawn of the U. S. textile industry 45 .
ABSTRACT: This research seeks to emphasize the beginning of the rubber crisis, addressing the early years and the consequences that this crisis has brought to the city of Manaus, in the pe- riod corresponding to the end of thenineteenthcentury to the early twentieth century. In this sense, the main purpose of this study is to inquire about the reasons that led to the crisis and its impact on the city and on the behavior of the authorities towards such economic and social situation. It will also treat early attempts to minimize the impact of crisis. Thus, a sequence of three historical moments was established: the first, when rubber seeds in the Amazon are brought to Asia; the second part deals with the possible threat of competition with Asian rub- ber plantations; and the final stage marks the beginning of the economic crisis. Several factors led to the crisis, which directly affected the city of Manaus, from where the built objects, at that time, in the urban area, now have other uses and disuses over the years.
It is worth noting that nineteenth-century women were held by standards of modesty, defined as an attitude of propriety and decency. However, we also know that throughout thenineteenth-century many women writers used pseudonyms, male and female, for reasons that go from the freedom to write to being taken seriously by publishers and critics. Although we do acknowledge these reasons, the pieces in the corpus have led us to believe that the socially expected sense of modesty and concern with a woman’s reputation may well have weighed in significantly. Especially in the case of Zelia, who was a very young translator and probably unmarried. It may be, for instance, that she and her family were aware of the fact that having one’s name all over the papers could be interpreted as lack of propriety. The number of pseudonyms stand out, as shown in the Appendix. Therefore, apart from the social conventions of the time, it should not be ruled out that, in the context of newspapers, pseudonyms may also have been used so translators could hold on to more than one job in different vehicles.
century (Schwarcz, 1993; Santos R., 1996, 1998, 2012; Sá et al., 2008; Salzano, 1997, 2009; Castro Faria, 2000a, 2000b, 2000c; Keuller, 2008; Souza et al., 2009; Gonçalves, 2011; Souza, 2011; Gonçalves et al., 2012). Based at institutions like the National Museum in Rio de Janeiro and the Bahia Faculty of Medicine, these studies were foc used both on the earliest human occupation of the Americas and on characteristics definitive of the different ‘races’ contributing to the national demographic makeup. Heavily influenced by the French Anthropological School led by Paul Broca, the professionals working in physical anthropology at the time used the craniometer as the principal tool for developing their theories (Castro Faria, 2000c; Keuller, 2008). These studies, like those developed in ethnology then under the sway of evolutionism, also informed much of the debate on Brazilian national identity in thenineteenthcentury and early twentieth. More than anthropologists, or medical anthropologists, the professionals dedicated to anthropological research during the early period of the discipline in the country presented themselves as intellectuals, men of science capable of providing reliable solutions to national dilemmas, invested with an authority associated with the institutions that they represented (Schwarcz, 1993).
As we know, at the end of thenineteenthcentury, the United States took an even more aggressive imperial step: after the Spanish-American war for Cuban independence, they betrayed their ally and made Cuba a protectorate and, shortly afterwards, interfered in various Caribbean and Central American countries. However, little is revealed of the incontestable American interests in the Pacific Islands. They annexed the Philippines and the island of Guam (previously under Spanish control) and installed military bases there. In 1898, they did the same with the Hawaii archipelago and, in 1899, they took possession of the Wake Islands, most of which were mapped by the expedition. Two of the islands of the Wake atoll received the names of the scientist Titian Peale and Charles Wilkes in 1841, the year the region was charted. With these annexations, the United States created a sort of ‘necklace of military bases’ extending from the Caribbean to the Philippines, crossing the Pacific.