The role of negroes in the ethnic formation of Ceará: the need for a reappralsal

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THE ROLE OF NEGROES IN THE ETHNIC

FORMATION OF CEARA:

THE NEED FOR A REAPPRAISAL

BILLY J AYNES CHANDLER •

1. INTRODUCTION

The ethnic formation of Ceará has received considerable dis-cussion in scholarly works dealing with that area, particularly with respect to the role of the indigenous peoples, the Indians. Emphasis in such discussions has been placed on the miscegenation of these peoples with the settlers of Portuguese stock. Such an emphasis may have resulted in a relatively high degree of distortion, largely because the roles of peoples of African descent in the formation of the cearense have been but sel:dom mentioned and even less investi-gated. The purpcse of this article, accordingly, is to present data concerning the roles o f that race in _ the formation o f the cearense and to make suggestions as to their relative significance.

2. TREATMENT OF NEGROES IN CEARENSE STUDIES

Heretofore, the history of Negroes in Ceará has been limited largely to the background of the campaign to liberate slaves, a noble cause which reached its peak in the early to mid 1880's. Little atf.ention, on the other hand, has been given to the actual role of

• The author ls Assoclate Professor o! Hlstory at Texas A&I Unlverslty, Klngs-vl!le, Texas, USA.

blacks in the society of Ceará over the course of its development.1 Indeed, most of those who have written on Ceará either ignore Negroes except, as stated previously, for the abolltionist compaign -- or affirm that Negroes played little or no role in the development of Ceará. In this latter case, examples are numerous. Among the older works, Cruz Filho's História do Ceará declares that the African

clement entered into the formation of the cearense

to

the exact proportion o f 8. 65%. 2 I am inclined to wonder how Cruz Filho

arrived at such an exact figure, but, be that as it may, it is a very small one. Gustavo Barroso in Terra de Sol, to cite another, presents

a more judicious view of the matter but also appears to conclude that the presence of the cabra, mulato, and Negro in Ceará has been of very minor significance, especially when compared to whites and Indians. 3 In both of these works, little else appears concerning

Negroes, a fact which alone would leave the reader with the impres·· bion that there was never in Ceará a sufficient number of people of African heritage to bear mentioning, again except in connection

with the abolitlonist movement.

Two more recent references to the matter indicate that this by r.ow well established tra'dition continues to be the accepted view in cearense studles. First, in the often cited and esteemed history of Ceará by the cearense hstorian, Raimundo Girão, one flnds only a few lines on Negroes in the chapter on the ethnic formation of the area. After an ･ＱＱＮｾ･ｮ､･､＠ discussion of Indians, Girão writes: "Daí

porque a percentagem do sangue africano é pequena dentro 'das veias do cearense. E também porque, humilde e pouco, o negro não pôde Eubir na escala social, ficou em baixo, sem ânimo de interferir na misclagem da P.tnica cearense. O Ceará, na realidade nunca foi uma negrecia."4 And, more recently, the cearense sociologist, Mozart Soriano Adera.ldo, reaffirmed the tra·dition more clearly in stating that "O Ceará é uma clareira na confusão racial do Brasil. A misci-genação entre nós se limitou ao português ambicioso e sensual com o índio matreiro e desconfiado. E a raça se tem conservado sem novos enxertos que a desfigurem." s Finally, on a broader scale, Gilberto Freyre ,in writing of the Northeastern sertão in general, has lent his weight to th'"l belief that Negroes and the institutlon of slavery were of little significance in the formation of the people and culture of that area. õ

3. BACKGROUND OF THIS PRESENT STUDY

I became aware of thls generally accepted tradition in regard to the ethnlc formation o! Ceará when conducting archival and field research a few years ago on the society and history of the Sertão dos

32 REV.

c.

SoCIAIS, VOL. IV N.O 1

Inhamuns, located in Southwestern Ceará. Noting the presence in Ceará of significant numbers of persons with recognizable Negroict features and delving into census figures - most of which give data or.. racial classification - I carne to believe that the tradition might be worth an examination. Data were gathered 'during 1965-1966 in Fortaleza and Rio de Janeiro and again in 1969. It became apparent that the usual views of the roles of Negroes in Ceará were basecl more on popular assumptions than scholarly research. This is not, of cour.se, to subject to criticism those historians and other scholars who have echoed the tradition (and least of all those previously cited in this article), for, after all, there did not exist the necessary stu-dies o! the matter for general historian and others to consult. It

is then for the purpose of initiating a discussion and partially reme-à.ying a deficiency by offering a preliminary inquiry into the subject that this present study is offered.

4 . CENSUS DATA

The start:ng place for the historical study of the role of Negroes in the formation of cearense society and culture appeared to be the attempt to determine how many persons of recognizable Negroid ai:.cestry existed in the area in the time of its ·ctevelopment .In other words, just how much Negroid blood flowed into the veins of cea-rEõnses when the scciety was being formed? How agressive where bla.rks in propag[tting their own kind and in infiltrating other racial stock? Fortunately, adequate 'data exist in various censuses from

ｴｨｾ＠ 19th century to answer these questions in a fairly conclusivc manner, such data from the 19th century affording a good picture of t.he society ｩ ｾ Ｑ＠ an a:dvanced state of formatiun i:1 view of the fact th."l.t it irLmed!at':lly followed the century of principie colonization. Data extracLed from four censuses from the 19th century - includ-lng the earliest avaiable censuses of Ceará - and reproduced in the n.ppended tabl2s show the probable number of cearenses identified as p0ssessing recognizable Negroid stock. In the tc..bles. in addit1on, ali of those identified by census reports as ｔ［ｊｵｳｳ･ｾｳＺｮｧ＠ recognizable Nfgroid st.ock (pretos, mulatos, ｰ｡ｲ､ｯｾ＠ ) are comhined to produce a composite figure indicating the proportiun of uerscns of probable wh0le or partia! Negroid heritage in i:he total population. Readers are referred tü tbe data in the apper.cled tables for full information; a brief summary of this data is piesented in tha following table.

blacks in the society of Ceará over the course of its development.l Indeed, most of those who have written on Ceará either ignore Ne-groes - except, as stated previously, for the abolitionist compaign-- or affirm that Negroes played little or no role in the development of Ceará. In this latter case, examples are numerous. Among the older works, Cruz Filho's História do Ceará declares that the African

clement entered into the formation ·of the cearense

to

the exact proportion of 8.65%. 2 I am inclined to wonder how Cruz Filho

arrived at such an exact figure, but, be that as it may, it is a very smali one. Gustavo Barroso in Terra de Sol, to cite another, presents

a more judicious view of the matter but also appears to conclude that the presence of the cabra, mulato, and Negro in Ceará has been of very minar significance, especialiy when compared to whites and Indians. 3 In both of these works, little else appears concerning

Negroes, a fact which alone would leave the reader with the impres··

ｾｩｯｮ＠ that there was never in Ceará a sufficient number of people of

African heritage to bear mentioning, again except in connection with the abolitlonist movement.

Two more recent references to the matter indicate that this by r.ow weli established tradition continues to be the accepted view in cearense studles. First, in the often cited and esteemed history of Ceará by the cearense hstorian, Raimundo Girão, one finds only a few lines on Negroes in the chapter on the ethnic formation of the area. After an ･ａ ｾ ･ｮ､･､＠ d;scussion of Indians, Girão writes: "Daí

porque a percentagem do sangue africano é pequena dentro das veias do cearense. E também porque, humilde e pouco, o negro não pôde .subir na escala social, ficou em baixo, sem ânimo de interferir na misclagem da P.tnica cearense. O Ceará, na realidade nunca foi uma negrecia."4 And, more recently, the cearense sociologist, Mozart Soriano Aderaldo, reaffirmed the tradition more clearly in stating that "O Ceará é uma clareira na confusão racial do Brasil. A misci-genação entre nós se limitou ao português ambicioso e sensual com o índio matreiro e desconfiado. E a raça se tem conservado sem novos enxertos que a desfigurem." s Finaliy, on a broader scale, Gilberto Freyre ,in writing of the Northeastern sertão in general, has lent his weight to th(-l belief that Negroes and the institution of slavery were of little significance in the formation of the people and culture of that area. õ

3. BACKGROUND OF THIS PRESENT STUDY

I became aware of this generally accepted tradition in regard to the ethnic formation of Ceará when conducting archival arrd field research a few years ago on the society and history of the Sertão dos

32 Rll:V. C. SOCIAIS, VoL. IV N.o. 1

Inhamuns, located in Southwestern Ceará. Noting the presence in Ceará of significant numbers of persons with recognizable Negroid features and delving into census figures - most of which give data on racial classification - I carne to believe that the tradition might be worth an examination. Data were gathered during 1965-1966 in Fortaleza and Rio de Janeiro and again in 1969. It became apparent that the usual views of the roles of Negroes in Ceará were baseei more on popular assumptions than scholarly research. This is not, of cour.se, to subject to criticism those historians and other scholars who have echoed the · tradition (and least o f ali those previously cited in this article), for, after ali, there did not exist the necessary stu-dies of the matter for general historian and others to consult. It

is then for the purpose of initiating a discussion and partially reme-ciying a deficienr.y by offering a preliminary inquiry into the subject that this present study is offered.

4 . CENSUS DATA

The start:ng place for the historical study of the role of Negroes in the formatton of cearense society and culture appeared to be the attempt to determine how many persons of recognizable Negroid ancestry existed in the area in the time of its development .In other words, just how much Negroid blood flowed into the veins of cea-renses when the scciety was being formed? How agressive where bla.rks in propag8.ting their own kind and in infiltrating other racial stock? Fortunately, adequate data exist in various censuses from thc 19th century to answer these questions in a fairly conclusive manner, such data from the 19th century affording a good picture of t.he society ｩ ｾ Ｑ＠ an a:dvanced state of formation i:1 view of the fac t th:tt it irr,.med!at'.lly followed the century of principie colonization. Data extracted from four censuses from the 10th century -- includ-ing the earliest avaiable censuses of Ceará - and reproduced in the appended tabl2s show the probable number of cearenses identified as pC1ssessing recognizable Negroid stock. In the tc..bles, in addition, ali of those identified by census reports as oosse"s:ng recognizable Nrgroid st.ock \pretos, mulatos, pardos ) are comhined to produce a composite figure indicating lhe proporlicn of uerscns of proba.ble wh0le or partia! Negroid heritage in the total population. Readers are referreà tu the data in the appencled tables for full information; a brief summary of this data is presented in thz following table.

SUMMARY OF APPENDED CENSUS DATA

Population of Ceará as Year of census reported

1804 1808 1813 1872

77,369 120,386 149,285 689,773

Pretos, par-dos, mulatos

47,033 68,440 98,412 368,100

Proportion of total population of pretos, pardos

and mulatos ( % )

60 .0 56 .9 65 .9 53 .4

5. ANALYSIS OF CENSUS DATA AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

From the foregoing census 'data, we may draw the following conclusions.

a . Persons considered to be of recognizable N'egroid stock (either whole or partia!) conslstently comprised near one half of the total population of Ceará. b. Such consistency indicates that rather than being an impassive element losing out racially to whites and Indians, Negroes were an aggressive group actively propagating their kind and infiltrating other racial groups. c. Persons of either whole or partia! Negro ancestry constituted a numerous and proportionally important element in the ethnic formation of Ceará. I am aware, of course, of problems in using census data, and the defects of such data from the 19th century are will known. Also the imprecision of racial classification by untrained census t akers and as well the lack of precise definition of the racial categories em-ployed are major problems. Ali of these defects have to be recognized in judging the validity of our 'data. In particular there is considera-ble difficulty concerning the racial classification of "pardo", a cate-gory utili!led in our censuses of 1804 and 1872. In la ter censuses, to be sure, pardo carne to be virtually synonimous with mestiço and could include various mixtures of white, Indian, and Negro ancestry, the word itself essentlally signifying dark or brown-skinned. Fortuna-tely, however, we have two other censuses - those of 181)8 and 1813

- in which the term is not employed and in which the more precise ones of Indio and mulato are used; and the similarities of the

per-31! REV.

c.

SoCIAIS, VoL.

IV

N.o 1

centages of these two censuses with the other two should be noted. Note also that in the census of 1872, caboclo - meaning of at least partia! Indian ancestry - is included as a classification; thus opport unities we.re afforded to distinguish between dark-skinned persons of probable partia! Indian ancestry and darkskinned per -sons of probable partia! African descent. With these things in mind, then, the use of the term "pardo" in the censuses we employ may be less of a problem than on the surface it would seem to be. When even inadequate census data then show a consistently clear pattern throughout the century- as our data do - a good case is establish-ed for a high degree of its general validity. 7 After ali is said and

after ali due allowances have been made for the deficiencies of the data, we are led to the conclusion that the role of Negroes in the formation of the cearense has been conslderable and deserves far more attention than it has received to this date.

Let me make a few suggestions as to the direction of future research on the ethnic formation of Ceará. Attention, in the first place, needs to be given to the origins and racial cultural charatec-teristics of those peoples who entere'd and settled Ceará from the late 17th century forward. It is known generally that they carne from the Northeastern coastal area and its immediate interior, and this fact alone would seem to suggest that Ceará possessed a Iarge Negro element from the beginning, simply for the reason that its settlers carne from areas where slavery was of significance and where Negroes often made up Iarge proportions of the general po-pulation. In a consideration of the ethnic formation of Ceará, reover, Negroes should be regarded as a general element in the mo-vement of peoples to the area and in its subsequent development and not Pnked only with the institution of slavery and the abol!tio-nist campaign, for the appended census data make it clear that by the early 19th ccntury free persons of full or partia! Negroid anc8s-try greatly outnumbered the enslaved ones. Thus - and this is thtl crucial po!nt- the history of Negroes in this area is not chiefly that of a numerically insignificant enslaved group existing In a state of sextral lethargy but rather of a general element which was playing a vital and active role in the formation of the general population and its culture.

This present study, unfortunately, deals with the numerical sig-nificance of Negroes in Ceará and not with their contribution to culture. This is, nonetheless, another area which deserves attention . Negroes as slaves - apart from that more numerous population of free Negroes - to suggest one area of research, - may have had a greater influence on the elite class of Ceará than has been supposed, as a result of the fact that slaveholding among that small but

SUMMARY OF APPENDED CENSUS DATA

Proportion of

Population of total population

Ceará as Pretos, par- of pretos, pardos Year of census reported dos, mulatos and mulatos ( % )

1804 1808 1813 1872

77,369 47,033 60 .0

120,386 68,440 56 .9

149,285 98,412 65 .9

689,773 368,100 53.4

5. ANALYSIS OF CENSUS DATA AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

From the foregoing census data, we may draw the following conclusions.

a . Persons considered to be of recognizable N'egroid stock (either whole or partia!) consistently comprised near one half of the total population of Ceará. b . Such consistency indicates that rather than being an impassive element losing out racially to whites and Indians, Negroes were an aggressive group actively propagating their kind and infiltrating other racial groups. c. Per sons o f either whole or partia! Negro ancestry constituted a numerous and proportionally important element in the ethnic formation of Ceará.

I am aware, of course, of problems in using census data, and the defects of such data from the 19th centm·y are will known. Also the imprecision of racial classification by untrained census takers and as well the Jack of precise definition of the racial categories em-ployed are major problems. All of these defects have to be recognized in judging the valldity of our data. In particular there is considera-ble difficulty concerning the racial classification of "pardo", a cate-gory utililed in our censuses of 1804 and 1872. In later censuses, to be sure, pardo carne to be virtually synonimous with mestiço and could include various mixtures of white, Indian, and Negro ancestry, the word itsel! essentially signifying dark or brown-skinned. Fortuna-tely, however, we have two other censuses - those of 181J8 and 1813

- in which the term is not employed and in which the more precise ones of Indio and mulato are used; and the similarities of the

per-'3"4

REV.

c.

SociAIS, VoL.

IV

N.o 1

centages of these two censuses with the other two should be noted. Note also that in the census of 1872, caboclo - meaning of at least partia! Indian ancestry - is included as a classification; thus opportunities we.re afforded to distinguish between dark-skinned persons of probable partia! Indian ancestry and dark-skinned per-sons of probable partial African descent. With these things in mind, then, the use of the term "pardo" in the censuses we employ may be less of a problem than on the surface it would seem to be. When even inadequate census data then show a consistently clear pattern throughout the century- as our data do -a good case is establish-ed for a high degree of its general validity. 7 After ali is said and

after all due allowances have been made for the deficiencies of the data, we are led to the conclusion that the role of Negroes in the formation of the cearense has been considerable and deserves far more attention than it has received to this date.

Let me make a few suggestions as to the direction of future research on the ethnic formation of Ceará. Attention, in the first place, needs to be given to the origins and racial cultural charatec-teristics of those peoples who entered and settled Ceará from the late 17th century forward. It is known generally that they carne from the Northeastern coastal area and its immediate interior, and this fact alone would seem to suggest that Ceará possessed a Iarge Negro element from the beginning, simply for the reason that its settlers carne from areas where slavery was of significance and where Negroes often made up Iarge proportions of the general po-pulation. In a cons!deration of the ethnic formation of Ceará, nmver, Negroes should be regarded as a general element in the mo-vement of peoples to the area and in its subsequent development and not I;nked only with the institution of slavery and the abolitio-nlst campa!gn, for the appended census data make it clear that by the early 19th ccntury free persons of full or partia! Negroid anc8s-try greatly outnumbered the enslaved ones. Thus - and this ls thtJ crucial po!nt- the history of Negroes in this area is not chiefly that of a numerically insignificant enslaved group existing In a state of sextral Iethargy but rather of a general element which was playing a vital and active role in the formation of the general population and its culture.

This present study, unfortunately, deals with the numerical sig-nificance of Negroes in Ceará and not with their contribution to culture. This is, nonetheless, another area which deserves attention. Negroes as slaves - apart from that more numerous population of free Negroes - to suggest one area of research, - may have had a greater influence on the elite class of Ceará than has been supposed, as a result of the fact that slaveholding among that small but

vileged class was widespread. Hence, many of the influences of sla-ves on the elites indicated in the work of Freyre probably were pre-sent in Ceará as well. The relationship between the casa grande and the senzala undoubtedly also existed on the fazendas of Ceará. One cf the great fazendeiros of that area, José do Vale Pedrosa (of the Feitosa parentela of the Inhamuns), possessed on his death in 1843 some 263 slaves or more, a clear indication that Negroes and slavery were not insignificant in the Inhamuns portion of Ceará.B

To suggest a related matter, that body of African survivals and folk culture described by Freyre probably was present in Ceará and rnerged into the general culture. The origins of folk culture with respect to its ingredients are not always easy to determine (as the work of George Foster ,among others, points out 9) but reason would

suggest that African survivals may be more numerous in cearense culture than has been believed. Conversely, the Indian contribution to both the culture and physical stock of the cearense may have been exaggerated. The Indians of this area, never very numerous, were of a relatively low cultural levei and quite fierce, qualities which limit peaceful contacts. to (Note in the appended censuses

that Indians and caboclos, when included as separated categories, are given as few In number when compared to Negroes and others of partia! Negroid stock except in the traditional Indian communities such as Viçosa, Messejana etc.).

Flnally, a word of caution. There is no suggestion here that peo-ples of Negroid African stock and their cultures have ever had as much importance in Ceará as they had in the old sugar growing (zona de açúcar) Northeastern coastal region, for obviously they have not. To be sure, persons of Negroid ancestry from that area and elements of their culture penetrated the sertão and helped to mold the societty and its people; yet, in the sertão they, along with settlers of other stock, battled wlth the physical environment and they, with 1.he others, produced a society of the sertão which has its distinctive characteristics. Ceará is not a replica of Bahia or Pernambuco. But, with this said, in the matter of significant Negroid participation in the formation of its psycal stock - and quite likely its culture as well - it appears that Ceará shares with these areas greater simi-larities than have heretofore been recognized in cearense studies. The tradition that the cearense and h!s culture are derived almost wholly from the Indian and the Portuguese (and consequently that Negroes contributed ahnost nothing) - the preva!ling view among cearense scholars to date - needs to be examined and reassessed, and it is hoped that this modest contribution may serve as a point of departure.

36 REv.

c.

SociAIS, Vox.. IV N.0 ₁

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vileged class was widespread. Hence, many of the influences of sla-ves on the elites indicated in the work of Freyre probably were pre-sent in Ceará as well. The relationship between the casa grande and the senzala undoubtedly also existed on the fazendas of Ceará. One cf the great fazendeiros of that area, José do Vale Pedrosa (of the Feitosa parentela of the Inhamuns), possessed on his death in 1843 some 263 slaves or more, a clear indication that Negroes and slavery were not insignificant in the Inhamuns portion of Ceará.B

To suggest a related matter, that body of African survivals and folk culture described by Freyre probably was present in Ceará and merged into the general culture. The origins of folk culture with respect to tts ingredients are not always easy to determine (as the work of George Foster ,among others, points out 9) but reason would

suggest that African survivals may be more numerous in cearense culture than has been believed. Conversely, the Indian contribution to both the culture and physical stock of the cearense may have been exaggerated. The Indians of this area, never very numerous, were of a relatively low cultural levei and quite fierce, qualities which limit peaceful contacts. 1o (Note in the appended censuses

that Indians and caboclos, when included as separated categories, are given as few in number when compared to Negroes and others of partia! Negroid stock except in the traditional Indian communities ' such as Viçosa, Messejana etc.).

Finally, a word of caution. There is no suggestion here that peo-ples of Negroid African stock and their cultures have ever had as much importance in Ceará as they had in the old sugar growing (zona de açúcar) Northeastern coastal region, for obviously they have not. To be sure, persons of Negroid ancestry from that area and elements of their culture penetrated the sertão and helped to mold the societty and its people; yet, in the sertão they, along with settlers of other stock, battled with the physical environment and they, with t.he others, produced a society of the sertão which has its distinctive characteristics. Ceará is not a replica of Bahia or Pernambuco. But, with this said, in the matter of significant Negroi'd participation in the formation of its psycal stock - and quite likely its culture as well - it appears that Ceará shares with these areas greater simi-larities than have heretofore been recognized in cearense studies. The tradition that the cearense and h!s culture are derived almost whclly from the Indian and the Portuguese (and consequently that Negroes contributed almost nothing) - the prevailing view among cearense scholars to date- needs to be examined and reassessed, and it is hoped that this modest contribution may serve as a point of departure.

36 REv.

c.

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TABLE 2

CENSUS OF 1808

Pretos e

Vila Brancos índios Mulatos Pretos Totais mulatos ( %)

Fortaleza 3,726 174 4,645 1,079 9,624 59 . 5

Aquiraz 3,788 538 2,262 2,939 9,527 54 .6

Aracati 2,371 79 1,054 1,829 5,333 54.1

São Bernardo 5,287 43 3,181 2,276 10,787 50 . 5

Icó 7,018 220 7,243 3,217 17,698 59 .1

C rato 3,694 178 4,378 3,485 11,735 67

Campo Maior 1,868 120 2,812 1,715 6,515 69 .5

São João do Príncipe 3,535 117 2,536 1,372 7,560 51.7

Sobral 3,636 397 8,589 2,007 14,629 72.4

Granja 1,883 79 1,790 1,172 4,924 60 . 2

Vila Nova d'El-Rei 3,014 381 2,866 1,362 7,623 55 .5

Arronches 75 867 350 123 1,415 33 .4

Messejana 41 1,185 250 84 1,570 21.2

Souré 33 546 133 55 767 24.5

Monte Mor o Novo 805 126 1,659 155 2,745 66

Viçosa Real 1,437 4,666 1,583 248 7,934 23.1

Totais 42,221 9,716 45,322 23,118 120,386 56 .9

Source: Luiz Barba Alardo de Menezes, "Memória Sobre a Capitania do Ceará", Revista do Instituto

Histórico, Geográfico e Ethnográphico do Brasil V oi. 34, n.0 _{1 (1871) , Mappa n.}0 _{3, following, p. 273.}

I corrected minor errors in the totais.

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TABLE 2

CENSUS OF 1808

Pretos e

Vila Brancos índios Mulatos Pretos Totais mulatos ( % l

Fortaleza 3,726 174 4,645 1,079 9,624 59.5

Aquiraz 3,788 538 2,262 2,939 9,527 54 .6

Aracati 2,371 79 1,054 1,829 5,333 54.1

São Bernardo 5,287 43 3,181 2,276 10,787 50.5

Icó 7,018 220 7,243 3,217 17,698 59.1

C rato 3,694 178 4,378 3,485 11,735 67

Campo Maior 1,868 120 2,812 1,715 6,515 69 .5

São João do Príncipe 3,535 117 2,536 1,372 7,560 51.7

Sobral 3,636 397 8,589 2,007 14,629 72.4

Granja 1,883 79 1,790 1,172 4,924 60 . 2

Vila Nova d'El-Rei 3,014 381 2,866 1,362 7,623 55 .5

Arronches 75 867 350 123 1,415 33 .4

Messejana 41 1,185 250 84 1,570 21.2

Souré 33 546 133 55 767 24.5

Monte Mor o Novo 805 126 1,659 155 2,745 66

Viçosa Real 1,437 4,666 1,583 248 7,934 23 . 1

Totais 42,221 9,716 45,322 23,118 120,386 56 .9

Source: Luiz Barba Alardo de Menezes, "Memória Sobre a Capitania do Ceará", Revista do Instituto

Histórico, Geográfico e Ethnográphico do Brasil Vol. 34, n.0 _{1 (1871), Mappa n.}0 _{3, following, p. 273.}

I corrected minor errors in the totais.

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L 110 1,273 351 6 tO o

E 2 26

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Messejana T 110 1,273 353 32 1,768 21.8

L 30 805 16 10 _ｾ＠

E 244 26 ll::

Souré T 30 805 260 36 1,131 26 . 1

L 1,433 481 2,318 126

E 71 374

Monte Mor o Novo T 1,433 481 2,389 500 4,807 60

L 1,732 4,259 1,823 160

E 78 448

Viçosa Real T 1,732 4 ,259 1,901 608 8,500 29.5

41,659 9,196 68,025 13,179

6,336 10,872

Totais 41,659 9,196 74,361 24,051 149,285 65.9

Source : Mappa da população da Capitania do Ceará extrahido dos que derão as Cappitães móres em o

anno de 1813.

This is a document in the Biblioteca Nacional, Seção de Manuscriptos, Ceará, Lata 1.a, Doc. n .0 _{3. A note}

on the document states that in some vilas- the capitar s-mores included Indians in the totais for whites. No figures were given in this census for the Vila of I ,ó.

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Source: Mappa da população da Capitania do Ceará extrahido

anno de 1813. dos que derão as Cappitães móres em o

This is a document in the Biblioteca Nacional, Seção de Manuscriptos, Ceará, Lata 1.a, Doc. n.0 _{3. A} note

on the document states that in some vilas - the capita -mores included Indians in the totais for whites. No figures were given in this census for the Vila of I .ó.

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REV. C. SOCIAIS, VOL, IV N.o 1

NOTES

1. On the abolltlonlst movement In Cea rá , sec Raimundo Glr ão. A AbOlição no Ceará (Fortaleza , 1956), and, for a recent summary. Robert Conra d The

Des-tructlon of Brazillan Slavery Ｈｂ･ｲｬ＼･ ﾷｾｹ Ｎ＠ 1972 ) pp. 170-189. For a brle! study o!

slavery and abolltlonlsm In one area o! the provlnce, see m y The Feltosas and the Sertão dos Inhamuns: The Hlstory of a Fam.!Iy and a Community in North-east Brazll, 1700-1930 (Galnesvme, 1972) , pp. 146-156 .

2 . ( SI\o Paulo, 1931) , p . 80.

3 . (6th ed., Fortaleza, 1962), p . 136.

4 . Pequena História do Ceará (2nd ed., Fortaleza, 1962) , p . 100.

5 . "Recebendo Parslfal Barroso no Instituto do Ceará". Revista do Instituto do

ceará. Vol. 81 (1967). p . 293 .

6. Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves (New York, 1946). pp. 154-155, 399-400. To cite another similar treatment, see Djaclr Menezes, O Outro Nordeste 12nd ed., Rio de Janeiro, 1970), pp. 43-68 speclally p . 51.

7 . The 1940 census, to cite one !rom the 20th century, shows that pretos and pardos contlnued to comprlse a large percentage o! the populatlon o! Ceará. Percentages o! these two racta; groups comblned !rom selected munlciplos are a s follows. Aqulraz : 61.2; Aracatl : 42 .8; Crato : 41.3; Fortaleza : 44 .5; Granja : 50 ; Icó : 20 .8; Tpu : 49 . 1; Qulxeramoblm : 54 .3; Sobral : 65 ; T au á: 49 .3. The !oregolng fi gures a re mine , based on date extrated from Recenseamento Geral do Brasil 1g40. (Vol. 1, pt. 6, Rio de Janeiro , 1950) .

e. Chanàler, FeltOsas and the Sertão dos Inhamuns. p . 147

9. See Foster's Culture and Conquest (New York, 1960) .

10 . On the Inctians o! Ceará, see Carlos Studart Filho, Os Aborígines do Ceará (Fortale.za, 1956) .

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REV. C. SOCIAIS, VOL. IV N.o 1

NOTES

1. On the abolltlonlst movement In Cear á, see Ra imundo Glr ão . A AbOlição no Ceará (Fortaleza, 1956) , and , for a recent summary, Robert Conra d The

Des-tructlon of Brazillan Slavery Ｈｂ･ｲｬ ＼ ･ ﾷｾｹ Ｎ＠ 1972) pp. 170-189. For a brle! study o!

slavery and abolltlonism In one area o! the provlnce, see my The Feitosas and the Sertão dos Inhamuns: The History of a Family and a Community in North-east Brazll, 1700-1930 (Galnesvllle, 1972) , pp. 146-156.

2. (São Paulo, 1931), p . 80.

3. (6th ed., Fortaleza, 1962), p . 136.

4 . Pequena História do Ceará (2nd ed., Fortaleza, 1962) , p . 100.

5. " Recebendo Parslfal Barroso no Instituto do Ceará". Revista do Instituto do ceará. Vol. 81 (1967), p . 293 .

6. Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves (New York, 1946) , pp. 154-155, 399-400. To cite another slm1lar treatment, see Djaclr Menezes, O Outro Nordeste 12nd ed., Rio de Janeiro, 1970), pp. 43-68 spec!ally p . 51.

7 . The 1940 census, to cite one !rom the 20th century, shows that pretos and pardos cont!nued to comprlse a large percentage o! the population o! Ceará. Percentages o! these two racia; groups comblned !rom selected munlclplos are a s follows. Aqulraz : 61.2; Aracatl : 42 .8; Crato : 41.3; Fortaleza : 44 .5; Granja : 50 ; Icó : 20 .8; Tpu : 49 . 1; Quixeramoblm : 54 .3; Sobral : 65 ; Tauá: 49 .3. The foregolng fi gures a re mine , based on dat e extrated from Recenseamento Gerai do Brasil 1240. (Vol. 1, pt. 6, Rio de Janeiro, 1950).

C. Chantiler, FeltOsas and the Sertão dos Inhamuns. p . 147

9. See Foster's Culture and Conquest (New York, 1960) ,

10 . On the Indians of Ceará, see Carlos Studart Filho, Os Aborígines do Ceará (Fortalt'.za, 1956) .