Openness,
international
champions,
and
the
internationalization
of
Multilatinas
Jean-François
Hennart
a,
Hsia
Hua
Sheng
b,*,
José
Marcos
Carrera
Jr.
ca
CentER,TilburgUniversity,Heuvelstraat14,5131APAlphen,TheNetherlands b
SãoPauloSchoolofBusinessAdministration(EAESP),GetulioVargasFoundation(FGV),RuaItapeva,474,8thFloor,SãoPaulo,SP01332-000,Brazil c
SãoPauloSchoolofBusinessAdministration(EAESP),GetulioVargasFoundation(FGV),RuaBage139ap51,VillaMariana,SãoPaulo,SP04012-140,Brazil
ARTICLE INFO
Articlehistory: Received19May2015
Receivedinrevisedform24July2016 Accepted28August2016
Availableonline6September2016 Keywords: Multilatinas Internationalization State-ownedenterprises Nationalchampions Emergingmarkets
Newvarietiesofstatecapitalism Brazil
ABSTRACT
Inthe1990sLatinAmericancountriesabandonedtheirpoliciesofimport-substitutingindustrialization carriedoutthroughfully-ownedstateenterprises(SOEs).Theyopenedtheireconomiestointernational competitionandprivatizedtheirSOEs.Wearguethatthispragmaticadaptationdidnotnecessarily constituteafundamentalchangeinpolicies,longfollowedbysomeLatinAmericancountries,ofstate interventioninthepursuitofnationalisticobjectives,butisinsteadacontinuationofthesepoliciesby othermeans.Specifically,tosafeguardtheirautonomy,someLatinAmericanstateshaveselectedand nurtureddomesticfirmstobecomemultinationalenterprises(MNEs).Theyhavekept–andobtained– equitystakesinthesenationalMNEstoinfluencethemandtokeepthemoutofthehandsofforeigners. ThesepoliciesexplainthetimingoftheriseofMultilatinasandtheir,usuallypartial,stateownership. ã2016ElsevierInc.Allrightsreserved.
1.Introduction
Theriseofmultinationalenterprisesfromemergingcountries
(EMNEs)hasgeneratedconsiderableinterestamonginternational
business scholars (e.g. Cuervo-Cazurra & Ramamurti, 2014;
Hennart,2012;Ramamurti&Singh,2009;Williamson,Ramamurti, Fleury,&Fleury, 2013; Zeng&Williamson,2007).Muchofthe
literaturehas focused onChinese and Indian EMNEs with less
attentiondevotedtoLatinAmericanEMNEs,theMultilatinas.
Cuervo-Cazurra(2008)notesthattheinternationalexpansion
ofmanyMultilatinasdidnotstartinearnestuntilthelate1980s.He
arguesthatitcanbetracedtomajorchangesintheinstitutional
contextoftheirhomecountries,specificallytheopeningupoftheir
economiesandtheprivatizationoftheirstate-ownedenterprises
(SOEs). Until the late 1980s, Latin American countriespursued
policies of industrialization through import substitution (ISI).
UnderISI,importswerediscouragedinordertostimulatedomestic
production.Theinabilityorunwillingnessofdomesticproducers
torespondtotheseincentivesledmanyLatinAmerican
govern-ments to fill the gap with fully-owned SOEs, which came to
dominate many Latin American economies (Musacchio &
Lazzarini,2014b).Inthishighlyprotectedandregulated
environ-ment,bothprivatefirmsandSOEshadfew incentivestosellor
investabroad.Highentrybarriersprovidedjuicyopportunitiesfor
localentrepreneurswithgoodgovernmentconnections,soitmade
moresenseforthemtodiversifyintonewindustriesthantotarget
foreign customers. Governments saw the mission of SOEs as
meeting domestic demand, soSOEs had few incentives tosell
abroad.LatinAmericangovernmentsweregenerallyopposedto
foreigninvestmentsbybothprivatefirmsandSOEsbecausethey
sawsuchinvestmentsasusingupfundsthatcouldbeinvestedat
home(Wells,1971).ConsequentlybothprivatefirmsandSOEshad
lowlevelsofinternationalization.
Inthe1990sthesepoliciesbecameeconomicallyunsustainable.
Theywereabandonedandgovernmentsopenedtheireconomies
to foreign competition, opting for lower barriers to trade and
incomingforeigndirectinvestment.LatinAmericangovernments
alsostartedtoengageintheprivatizationoftheirSOEs.Theyended
up withless than full stakesin a largenumber of private and
publiclylistedfirms,resultingina“newvarietyofstatecapitalism”
(Musacchio, Lazzarini, & Aguilera, 2015): state control is now
generally exercised indirectly through national development
banksandthepensionfundsofSOEsandnewlyprivatizedSOEs
(Cuervo-Cazurra,Inkpen,Musacchio,&Ramaswamy,2014).
While some authors have attributedthe sudden rise of the
Multilatinasinthelate1980stotheopeningupoftheireconomies
*Correspondingauthor.
E-mailaddresses:j.f.hennart@uvt.nl(J.-F.Hennart),Hsia.sheng@fgv.br,
hsia_sheng@yahoo.com.br(H.H.Sheng),josemarcoscj@gmail.com(J.M.Carrera).
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jwb.2016.08.005
1090-9516/ã2016ElsevierInc.Allrightsreserved.
ContentslistsavailableatScienceDirect
Journal
of
World
Business
(Cuervo-Cazurra,2008;DelSol&Kogan,2007),lessattentionhas
beenpaidtotheimpactofthechangeinthelevelandmodalitiesof
stateownership.Yet,atleastinthecaseofBrazil,thereseemstobe
a clearlink between internationalization and state ownership.
Indeed,thelistofthe20largestBrazilianMNEsbysizeofforeign
assets shows that two-thirds of them have some degree of
governmentownership(Sheng&Carrera,2016).Isthisfortuitous,
oristhereasolidrelationshipbetweengovernmentownershipand
afirm’sdegreeofinternationalization?Andifso,whatcausesthis
relationship?AsCuervo-Cazurraetal.(2014)note,ourtheoretical
understandingoftheimpactofthenewformsofstateownership
oninternationalizationisstilllimited.
Afewstudieshavefocusedonthisrelationship,butalmostallof
themhavefocusedonChina(e.g.Li,Cui,&Lu,2015;Liang,Ren,&
Sun, 2015; Wang, Hong, Kafouros, & Wright, 2012). China is,
however,verydifferentfromLatinAmerica.TheChinese
govern-menthassetclear“goglobal”policiesforChinesefirmsandhas
unparalleledpowertoimplementthem.MostChinesefirmsare
fullyoroverwhelminglyownedbythestate.Theirmanagersare
firstandforemostpublicservantswhosecareerprospectsdepend
on their obedience to central government directives: they are
“cadresfirst andcompany mensecond”(Economist,2012).The
ChineseCommunistPartyactivelyintervenesinthemanagement
ofallChinesefirmsthroughaparallelstructureimplantedinall
firms,publicandprivate,andmakessurethatmanagementfollows
governmentalguidelines(Economist,2012).
Incontrast,LatinAmericangovernmentpoliciesofsupportto
theinternationalizationofdomestic firmsaremoreambiguous,
andthestateleverageondomesticfirmsmoretenuous.Inthecase
ofBrazil,thegovernmentstakeisonlypartial,andthegovernment
mustoftencontendwithmajorityowners,oftenfamilies.Afurther
complicatingfactoristhattheBraziliangovernment’sstakesare
generallyindirectlyheldbythestatedevelopmentbankandthe
pensionfundsofSOEsorex-SOEs.Hencetherelationshipbetween
governmentownershipandinternationalizationis,intheBrazilian
case, much less obvious, and the mechanisms by which the
governmentinfluencesfirms moredifficulttoassess(Caseiro &
Maseiro,2014).
Inthispaperwecontributetotheliteraturesontheimpactof
home-countryinstitutionsonafirm’slevelofinternationalization.
Specifically,we studytheimpactof the“new varietiesof state
capitalism”(Musacchio,Lazzarini,&Aguilera,2015)onthelevelof
internationalizationofMultilatinas.By levelof
internationaliza-tionwemeantheshareofforeignsalesintotalsales,withforeign
salesincludingbothexportsandlocalsubsidiarysales.
We provide a novel explanation for the existence of a
relationshipbetweenstateownershipandtheinternationalization
of domestic firms. We argue that sucha relationship arises in
countrieswhereanationalisticandneo-developmentalist
ideolo-gyseesthedevelopmentofinternationallycompetitivedomestic
firmsasthebestwaytosafeguardstatepower.Insuchcountries
the state keeps strategic stakes in the privatized SOEs with
internationalpotentialandexpandstherealmofstatecontrolby
takingstakesinprivatefirmswithstronginternationalprospects.
Bothgroupsoffirmsareencouragedtogainbulkbymergingwith
otherdomesticfirmssoastoincreasetheirbargainingpower,and
thenreceivestronggovernmentsupportintheir
internationaliza-tion.Asaresult,thestateendsupowningsignificantequitystakes
inthosedomesticfirmswhicharehighlyinternationalized.
Afterexplainingthelinkbetweenthelevelofstateownershipin
afirmanditsdegreeofinternationalization,wegoontoexplore
whether with whom the state partners has an impact on
internationalization.We hypothesize thathaving thestateas a
minorityownerislikelytopushfamily-managedfirms,andfirms
wherefamilies,foreigners,andthestatesharecontrol,tohavea
higher ratioof foreign salestototal sales thanwhen the state
partnerswithfirmswithdispersedownership.Ontheotherhand,
weexpectpartiallystate-ownedfirmsinwhich foreignershave
majoritystakestobelessinternationalizedthanfirmsinwhichthe
governmentsharescontrolwithfamilies.
We test our hypotheses on a sample of Brazilian listed
companies over the2002–2011 period. Brazil is an interesting
contextbecause,aswewillsee,itprovidesthebestLatinAmerican
example of liberal neo-developmentalist policies that harness
market forcestosupportstatepower.Specifically,theBrazilian
statehascarriedoutdirectpoliciesofsupporttointernationalizing
domesticfirmsbykeepingownershipstakesinprivatizedSOEsand
bytakingnewonesinprivateBrazilianfirmswithinternational
potential.Thesepoliciesofsupporttonationalchampionsgoalong
way towards explaining the internationalization of Brazilian
Multilatinas, and explain the link between internationalization
andgovernmentownership.
Controllingforpossibleendogeneity,wefindthatthehigher
the total government stake in a firm, thehigher its degree of
internationalization,measuredbyitsratioofforeigntototalsales.
We findalsothat family firms withstateownership and firms
wherethestatesharescontrolwithfamiliesandforeignershavea
highershareofforeigntototalsalesthanfirmsinwhichthestate
partners withdispersedowners,butthat stateownershiphasa
weakerimpactoninternationalizationinfirmswhereforeigners
aredominantshareholders.
Inthenextsection,weoutlineatheoryofstatesupportforthe
internationalization of domestic firms and explain why state
ownershipisassociated withhighforeignsalesintensitybefore
applyingthetheorytothecase ofBrazil.Wethendescribeour
sample, our methodology and our results. We conclude with
implicationsforresearchonemergingmarketmultinationalsand
onthenewvarietiesofstatecapitalism.
2.Theoreticalbackgroundandhypotheses
Thedawnofcapitalismwitnessedadebatebetweenthetenants
of economic liberalism (e.g. John Stuart Mill, 1848) and the
defendersofthenationstate,suchasList(1841).WhileList(1841)
isbetterknownforhis‘infantindustry’argumentfor
protection-ism,hiscriticismofeconomicliberalismwasmorefundamental.
Along withthemercantilists, hearguedthat“economicliberals
evaluatedeconomic policies fromthestandpoint of individuals
andthewelfareofhumanityasawhole”(Helleiner,2002:311),but
bypassedthenationstate,theunitofanalysisin-between.Forhim,
economic policiesshould not aim at increasing an individual’s
welfare,butataugmentingacountry’swealth,power,andnational
identity.
Liberals, onthe other hand, have argued that nation states
shouldnotinterferewithinternationaltradeandinvestmentflows,
becausefreetradeand investmentyield amoreefficientuseof
scarceresources,thusmaximizingwelfareatboththeglobaland
individual levels. They see economic relations as positive-sum
gamesandthegoalofeconomicactivityasthemaximizationof
globalwelfare.Incontrast,mercantilistsandeconomicnationalists
takeamorepessimisticviewofeconomicrelationsandseethemas
essentiallyconflictualand zero-sum gameswhichaimat
redis-tributingwealthandpowerbetweennations(Gilpin,1976).
In the post-WW2 era, economic nationalism led most
developingcountriestoadoptISIpolicies.Thesepoliciesadvanced
thenational interestby protectingdomestic firmsfromforeign
competition–throughhightradebarriersandrestrictionsonthe
entryofforeignfirms–untiltheycouldstandontheirowntwo
feet. ISI policies also protected domestic markets from being
colonizedbyforeignMNEs,which wereseenasinstrumentsby
whichpowerfulnationstatesprojectedtheirpowerand
Under ISI, governments actively intervened through price
settingandextensiveregulations(Cuervo-Cazurra,2008).Inthis
highlyprotectedandregulatedenvironment,domesticfirmsfaced
littlecompetitionandenjoyedsubstantialmarketpower.Theyhad
fewincentivestoundertakelarge-scaleinvestmentprojectswith
longeconomiclifeandsubstantialspillovers(Gerschenkron, 1962).
Toremedythis,governmentssetupwholly-ownedSOEs(
Musac-chio&Lazzarini,2014b).Thisresultedinanindustriallandscape
dominated by SOEs and by diversified private local business
groups,oftenunderthecontroloffamilies.
ISIpoliciesturnedouttohavetwomajordisadvantages.First,
thelackofexposuretointernationalcompetitionmadebothSOEs
andlocalfirmsincreasinglynon-competitive(Liu,1993).Domestic
privatefirmshadlittleinterestinexpandingabroad,asitmade
moresenseforthemtodiversifyintootherdomesticindustries
than to target foreign markets, since domestic diversification
allowed them to capitalize on their ties with the government
(Schneider,2008).Governmentsdiscouragedforeigninvestments
by SOEs and private firms alike because they thought such
investmentsusedupfundsthatcouldbeinvestedathomeand
replaceddomesticbyforeignjobs(Wells,1971).Domesticfirms,
both private and public, were inefficient and wellbelow their
internationalizationpotential.
Relying on SOE for national development had also major
disadvantages. SOEs suffer from a two-stage principal-agent
problembecausetheprincipalschargedtomonitorSOEmanagers
arethemselvestheagentsofthecitizens,whohavefewincentives
to get involved. This gives politicians and SOE managers
considerablelatitudetopursuetheirowngoals(Cuervo-Cazurra
etal.,2014).GovernmentsoftenrequireSOEstomaximizesocial
objectivesaswellasprofits,makingitdifficulttoevaluatetheir
performance and todraw incentivecontracts tomotivate their
managers.Mostothermechanismsusedtomonitorthemanagers
ofprivate firmsarealso absentin SOEs.Many SOEsoperate in
monopolisticindustries,makingcomparisondifficult. SOE
man-agers are often public servants, with advancement based on
seniorityratherthanperformance.Theyarenotdisciplinedbythe
threat of bankruptcy, as their firms often enjoy soft budget
constraintsandhavetheirlossescoveredbythestate(Schleifer,
1998),norbythepossibilityoflosingtheirjobduetoatakeover.
These governance problems, plus government pressures to
maintain SOE employment and prices at unsustainable levels,
led to widespread losses. These were covered by government
deficits,inlargepartfinancedthroughexternaldebt.Whenthe
level of foreign debt became excessive, these policies became
unsustainable(Musacchio&Lazzarini,2014b).
By thelate 1980s,LatinAmerican governmentsbecamealso
keenlyawarethattherateofgrowthobtainablethroughISIpolicies
wasmuchlowerthanthatofAsiancountriespursuingexport-led
growthstrategies.ThisledtoareappraisalofISIpoliciesandtotwo
major changes: First, Latin American governments dismantled
pricecontrols,loweredtariffs,andliberalizedtheentryofforeign
firms(Cuervo-Cazurra,2008).Second,theyprivatizedtheirSOEs.
Openingtheeconomytointernationalcompetitionhadmany
benefits.Italloweddomesticfirmstoobtainbetterqualityinputs;
italsoforcedthemtobecomemorecompetitive.Inmanycases,
foreignentrantsintroducedbetterproducts,services,and
mana-gerialpracticeswhichdomesticfirmshadtoadoptiftheywanted
to survive (Cuervo-Cazurra & Dau, 2009). Likewise, selling off
partialorfullstakesinSOEstotheprivatesectorhadanumberof
advantages.Wehaveseenthatmanyfactorscontributetolower
theefficiencyofSOEs.Someofthesecanbealleviatedbysellinga
majoritystaketoaprivateblockholder.Thatblockholderwillbe
motivated to maximize performance, and can be expected to
efficientlymonitorthefirm’smanagers.Thestatemaystilluseits
minoritystaketopushthefirmtomakeinefficientdecisions,for
examplehiringpoliticallyconnectedbutincompetentmanagersor
maintainingartificiallyhighemploymentlevels,butthese
prob-lemsarelikelytobelessseverethanwhenthestatehasmajorityor
fullownership.Onewouldnaturallyexpectthebenefitsofshared
ownershiptobehigher whentheother firmshareholdersown
controlling shares than when non-government ownership is
dispersed, because a controlling private owner has greater
incentivestobeefficient.Forallthesereasons,sellingamajority
orevenaminorityshareinSOEsincreasesefficiency.
Openingtheeconomytoforeigncompetitionandprivatizing
SOEs can,however, seriouslychallengea country’s sovereignty.
Imports can wreak havoc on domestic firms that have been
shelteredfromforeigncompetition.Ifforeignfirmsareallowedto
acquireamajorityorafullstakeintheprivatizedSOEs,thenthey
will morph into subsidiaries of foreign MNEs. While national
governmentscanexertinfluenceondomesticfirms,especiallyif
theyarefullyorpartiallygovernment-owned,thisismoredifficult
withsubsidiariesofforeignMNEs,particularlyiftheirparentsare
basedinpowerfulcountries,suchastheUnitedStates.Yetstrong
domestic firms are useful to a state: they control strategic
resourcesandcanbereliedontoengageinactivitiesthatfurther
its interests, both in theshort and long runs. In the long run,
domesticfirms,especiallyiftheyhavesomelevelofgovernment
ownership,canundertakestrategicallyimportantactivities,such
as developing newproducts,both civilianand military.1 In the
shortterm,theycanperformpoliticallyusefultasks(forinstance
creatingemploymentinpoliticallyimportantlocations)andcanbe
leanedontorestrainfrompoliticallydeleteriousactions(suchas
delocalizingproductiontoforeignsites).2
Hencegovernmentsinemergingmarketswereinthebeginning
ofthe1990sfacedwithadilemma:eitherkeeptheoldISIpolicies,
continuetoshutoffthecountryfrominternationalcompetition,
andacceptlowratesofeconomicgrowth,oropentheireconomies
andselltheirSOEstoforeignMNEs,butthenriskalossinnational
sovereignty.Thereis, however,especiallyfor largercountries, a
thirdalternative.Thatalternativeistoaccepttheopeningofthe
economyandaninjectionofprivatecapitalandinitiativeintotheir
SOEs,buttointervenetotransformdomesticfirmsintoMNEs,i.e.
intointernationalchampions.
InaneconomyopentothecompetitionofforeignMNEs,firms
that confine themselves to the domestic market can be at a
disadvantage if they operate in global industries and if the
domestic market is below minimum efficient size. In global
industries,theforeignMNEs’largersizeallowsthemtoamortize
thehighR&Dinvestmentsnecessarytodevelopnewproductsand
processes(Hennart,2007).Inairplanemanufacturing,forexample,
the internal market is generally too small to support the
developmentof state-of-the-artaircraft, hence theneed tosell
toforeignbuyersinordertofinancetheinvestmentsrequiredto
keepupwithcompetitors.OziresSilva,PresidentofEmbraer,putit
succinctly: “Today there is nooption, either thecompany goes
internationaloritisdoomedtofailure”(deCarvalho,2005).MNEs
can also arbitrage between locations. They can, for example,
pursuepredatorypoliciesbycross-subsidizingbetweencountries.
The only real defense of domestic firms is then to expand
internationally so as to reach a size that makes it possible to
undertaketheR&Dinvestmentnecessarytoreachtechnological
parityandtobeabletolocateproductionfacilitiesinthecountries
1Amsden(2012)arguesthatforeignaffiliatesconductlittleR&Dinemerging markets.
2
TheFrenchpresidentSarkozywasabletoleanonminoritystate-ownedRenault in2009nottoshiftcarassemblytoEasternEurope(Clift,2012)whiletheBelgian government hadearlier beenpowerless in preventingthe closureof Renault’s Vilvoordeassemblyplant.
oftheircompetitorssoastobeinapositiontoretaliateagainst
their predatory moves—the well-known exchange of hostages
strategy(Hennart&Park,1994;Yu&Ito,1988).
What does it take to develop internationally competitive
domesticfirmsifthecountryhasbeenfollowingISIpolicies?Aswe
have argued, ISI encouraged firms togrow in breadth but not
depth.Industries werepopulatedbythedivisionsofdiversified
nationalfirms,eachofthemtoosmallandtooweaktoeffectively
competewithforeignMNEs.Tobeabletodoso,thesedivisionshad
tomergeintolargerentities,and theseentitieshad toupgrade
theirproductsandprocesses.Throughthisprocessof
concentra-tion,domesticfirmscanincreasetheirbargainingpowerbecause
theycanmonopolizecomplementarylocalassetswhich foreign
MNEsneedtoaccessthemarket.Oncelarger,domesticfirmscan
trademarketaccessforforeigntechnologyordriveahardbargain
andusetheproceedstofinancetheirforeignexpansion(Hennart,
2012). Governments can help by acting on their behalf as a
monopsonist and force foreign MNEs to share technology in
exchangeformarketaccess,astheChinesegovernmenthasdone
withgreatsuccess(Hemphill&White,2013).
Itisalsonecessaryforthestatetomaintainitsinfluenceon
these new “international champions”. Having international
activitiesincreasesthebargainingpowerofthenewinternational
championsvis-à-vistheirhomegovernments,becauseitincreases
thedegreesoffreedomthesefirmsenjoy.Governmentsalsoneed
to assure that their subsidized champions are not sold to
foreigners. The most direct way to assure compliance and to
avoidlosingthechampionstoforeignersistoownsufficientequity
inthem. Thedesirethereforetosafeguardnational sovereignty
whilereducingtheinefficiencyofclosedeconomiesand
wholly-owned SOEs has led to a regime that has been called
“neo-developmentalist”. Under this regime, the state has groomed
partially-owneddomesticfirmsintointernationalchampions.
Ifwe arerightthatone responsebystates toopennessand
privatizationhasbeentobuildupdomesticfirmsintointernational
champions,andtokeeporobtainanequitypositioninthem,then
we would expect that internationalized domestic firms should
havesome degreeof government ownership. Indeed, since the
higherafirm’slevelofinternationalization,thegreateritsstrength
andpotentialusefulnesstothestate,thelargerthenshouldbethe
levelofgovernmentownershipinthem.
Which countries would we expect to have chosen
neo-developmentalistpoliciesofpromotingstate-ownedinternational
champions?Thebuildingupofinternationalchampionsiseasierif
domesticfirmsenjoyalargedomesticmarket,becausethelarger
domestic market gives domestic firms and their governments
morebargainingpowervis-à-visforeignMNEs.Building
interna-tionalchampionsisalongtermendeavorthatrequiresconsistent
policies,hencecountrieswithaprofessionalandindependentcivil
serviceshouldbemoresuccessfulatit.
Brazil is the Latin American country that best meets these
requirements.It hasthe largesteconomy. It alsohasin BNDES
(BancoNacionaldeDesenvolvimentoEconômicoeSocial)alarge
andprofessionallyrundevelopmentbankthathasplayedacrucial
role in managing Brazil’s privatizationsand in directlyhelping
Brazilianfirmstointernationalize.OtherLatinAmericancountries
do not havesimilarinstitutions. Argentina’s development bank
Banadewasclosedinthe1990s.InChile,CORFOhasonlyaided
smallandmediumfirms(Finchelstein,2016:15).PoliciesinBrazil
havealsoshownmoreintertemporalcoherencethaninArgentina
(Finchelstein,2016:Table4).Consequently,webelievethatBrazil
providesthebestcontexttostudythepotentialimpactof
neo-developmentalist policies on the internationalization of
Multi-latinas.
2.1.GovernmentownershipandinternationalizationinBrazil
Under the government of Getulio Vargas (1930–1945) the
BrazilianstatefirstsetupSOEstocarryoutISIandtoremedythe
unwillingness of the private sector to make the long-lived
investmentsnecessarytodevelopnewindustries(Trebat,1983).
Vargas,inassociationwiththeUSgovernment,createdBrazil’sfirst
integratedsteelmill,CSN,andconsolidatedanumberofsmalliron
oreminesand a railroadintotheCompanhia Valedo RioDoce
(CVRD), thepredecessor of Vale. A second wave of SOEs were
createdinthe1950s,includingPetrobras.Later,Brazil’sdesireto
haveitsownmilitaryairplanemanufacturerledtothecreationof
Embraer.The1950salsosawtheestablishmentofBNDES.Itsinitial
rolewastoprovidelongtermfinancingforinfrastructureprojects,
but under the military government it shifted its focus to the
financing of privatecompanies and took equity stakesin them
through its investment subsidiary BNDESPAR (Musacchio &
Lazzarini,2014b).BNDESisoneofthelargestdevelopmentbank
intheworld.In2013itwasresponsibleforabout21%ofthetotal
credittotheBrazilianprivatesectorandforalmostallitslong-term
credit(Musacchio&Lazzarini,2014b).
The heyday of Brazilian SOEs was during the military
dictatorship(1964–1985).Bythenthree-fourthsofthe100largest
Brazilianfirms(rankedbyassets)wereSOEs(Baer,1995:80).The
poorproductivityofthesefirmscausedlosses,whichwerecovered
throughbudgetdeficitsandforeignborrowing.Excessiveforeign
indebtednessandunsustainablehighinflationledthegovernment
tomakereforms.TheCollor(1990–92)andCardoso(1995–2002)
governmentsembarkedonamajor privatizationprogramwhich
sawSOEstakesreducedfromfulltomajorityandminorityones.In
paralleltotheseprivatizations,Brazilalsoopenedupitseconomy
to foreign competition, reducing its barriers to trade and
investment.
Inspiteofappearances,theBrazilianstatedidnotabandonits
nationalisticpoliciesanditsbeliefintheneedforstateguidanceof
theeconomy. The mainideology thatguide itspoliciesdidnot
change,butwaspragmaticallyadjustedtofitnewcircumstances.
Brazilhaspursuedsincetheturnofthenewcenturypoliciesthat
Ban (2013)hascalled“liberalneo-developmentalist”. Evansand
Sewell notethat“Brazilianelitesneverfullyembracedthe
anti-statistassumptionsofAnglo-Saxon-styleneoliberalism.
Authori-tariangeneralsanddemocraticsocialistswerebothhappytouse
the state alongside markets to make sure that the Brazilian
economy continued to diversify and that Brazil’s trajectory of
growthwasnotprimarilyshapedbytheprioritiesofcapitaland
governmentsin theNorth”(Evans&Sewell, 2013:55).3 Brazil’s
neo-developmentalistshaveacceptedthenecessityofhavingan
open economy, but havetempered that openness byan active
industrialpolicyofsupportfortheinternationalizationofdomestic
firms.
Thus while successive Brazilian governments under ISI had
beengenerallyhostiletoforeigninvestmentsbydomesticfirms,
they startedafterliberalizationtoencourage theirinternational
expansion(Araujo,2013;Ban,2013;Kroeger,2012;Rocha,2014;
Silva, 2010). In 2004, for example, Luis Furlan, minister of
development,statedthat“thegoalofthegovernmentistokeep
atleasttenBrazilianmultinationalsinoperation”(Valor
Econom-ico,2007,citedinArbix&Caseiro,2012).Governmentsupportfor
theinternationalizationofBrazilianfirmsincreasedundertheLula
presidencywiththeimplementationoftheProduction
Develop-ment Policy (PDP) plan (2008–2010). The goal of PDP was to
establish Brazilian companies as the top five global players in
industries in which Brazil had already achieved high
3
competitiveness–aeronautics,oilandgas,petrochemicals,ethanol,
mining,steel,pulpandpaper,andmeat(Caseiro&Maseiro,2014).
In2009,thepresidentofBNDES,LucianoCoutinho,declared:
“IwouldsaythatBrazilneedstohaveworldchampions...The
countryhasalreadydeveloped verycompetitivecompanies.
.. ButBrazilhas,relativetoitssizeandpotential,fewworld
class companies.It is naturalthat in theexpansion ofthese
companies,theBNDES, undermarketconditions, isready to
support these opportunities...What exists is that companies
that have proventobehighlycompetitive aresupportedby
BNDES.Itispartofthegovernment’sindustrialpolicytoallow
the developmentofglobal Brazilianplayers withworldwide
scale”(Romero,2009;citedinAlmeida&Schneider,2012).
Whatisnotableinthisstatementisthatitindicatesthatthe
policyofthegovernment(throughBNDES)istosupport,withloans
andequityinfusions,companiesthathavealreadyshownthatthey
areinternationallycompetitive, henceestablishing a directlink
betweenthelevelofinternationalizationofBrazilianfirmsandthe
likelihoodtheywillhavesomedegreeofstateownership.
We have argued that if the Brazilian state is to have
internationalchampionswhich it caninfluence,two conditions
must be met. First, Brazilian firms must be internationally
competitive. Second, theBrazilian state (throughBNDES, other
governmententities,andSOEorex-SOEpensionfunds)musthave
sufficientequityinsuchfirmstobeabletoinfluencethemandto
preventtheirsaletoforeigners.Wefirstdiscusstheactionsthatthe
governmenttooktohelpBrazilianfirmsrealizetheir
internation-alizationpotential beforerelating howtheBrazilianstatemade
sure that it could keep control of their new international
champions.
Wehaveseenthatinthehighlyprotecteddomestic
environ-mentthatprevailedunderISIpolicies,itmademoresenseforlocal
incumbentsto diversify into otherdomestic industries than to
targetforeignmarkets(Schneider,2008).Furthermore,thecushy
home environment did not prepare firms for international
competition, so,while there were notable exceptions, most of
themwereunable toprofitablysellabroad. Successful
interna-tional expansion requires specialization in a smaller range of
activities and deeper skills in these activities. The Brazilian
government,through itsmajority-owned SOEs,BNDES, andthe
pensionfundsofSOEsandex-SOEs,hasfacilitatedthisprocessby
engineeringthemergersofdomesticcompaniesinsectorswhere
thegovernmentthinksBrazilhasacomparative advantage.The
goalis toreachsufficientsizetoallow Brazilianfirmstobetter
defendthemselvesagainstforeigncompetition in thedomestic
market,andtoleveragetheirdomesticmarketpowertobuildup
their foreign operations (Hennart, 2009). BNDES, for example,
facilitatedthroughanequityinjectionthemergerintoFibriaofthe
two largest Brazilian pulp producers, Aracruz and Votorantim
CeluloseePapel,resultinginafirmthatexportsmorethan90%of
its output and is the world’s largest hardwood pulp producer
(Kroeger, 2012).4 Petrobras, which in 2012 was 63.6% owned
(directlyand indirectly) bythe government,5 acquiredIpiranga
withthehelpofBNDES,incorporateditspetrochemicalassetsinto
Braskem(in which it held a 30% stake), acquired Suzano and
mergeditwithGrupoUltraintoQuattor,andthenmergedthetwo
backintoBraskem, making thatfirm thelargestpetrochemical
companyin theAmericas. Lessthana month afterthemerger,
BraskemacquiredaunitoftheUScompanySunocoChemicalsfor
US$350millionandmadeaUS$2.5billiongreenfieldinvestment
in a Mexican petrochemical complex (Arbix & Caseiro, 2012).
Likewise the government supported the merger of Sadia and
PerdigãowhichledtothecreationofBrasilFoods,todayoneofthe
largest foodcompanies in the world,selling tomore than 110
countriesonfivecontinents(Vargas&deMoura, 2015).Vale,a
privatized SOE in which the Brazilian government kept a
controlling stake, sold off after its privatization its paper and
pulpsubsidiariesanditsstakesinBraziliansteelcompanies,but
consolidateditsmarketshareinironorebypurchasinganumber
ofBrazilianironoremines.ThegoalwastoconsolidateVale’shome
marketshareandtokeepBHPoutoftheBrazilianironoremarket
(Chaddad,2003).By2007Valeaccountedfor85%ofBrazil’siron
oreproductionandwasthecountry’ssoleironoreexporter.Itthen
expanded abroad,acquiring Inco in Canadaand a coalmine in
Australia, and investing in coal and copper projects in Africa
(Khanna,Musacchio,&ReisendePinho,2010).
AsecondwayinwhichtheBraziliangovernmenthashelped
Brazilianfirmstointernationalizeisbyincreasingexportfinancing.
Between2001and2012BNDESexportfinancingincreasedfromUS
$2.6 to US$11.3 billion (Araujo, 2013). BNDES offered such a
generousexportfinancingpackagetoEmbraercustomersthatit
triggeredaCanadiancomplainttotheWorldTradeOrganization
(Amann, 2009).6 BNDES has offered guarantees for the large
foreigninfrastructureprojectsundertakenbyBrazilian
construc-tion companies such as Odebrecht (Finchelstein, 2012). The
BrazilianForeignOfficehasalsohelpedBraziliancompaniesmake
foreignacquisitionsandwinforeigncontracts.Itwasinstrumental
inVale’ssuccessfulbidtodeveloptheBayovarphosphatedeposits
in Peru. Two years later, Lula’s personal intervention helped
GerdauacquiretheprivatizedSiderperu(Luce,2008).
Safeguardingnationalsovereigntythroughhome-grown
inter-nationalchampionsrequiresthatthegovernmentbeabletoenlist
theeconomicpowerofsuchchampionstocarryoutitspolicies.
Hencethegovernmentmustbeabletoinfluencefirmbehavior.The
most direct way to do that is to own sufficient equity in the
champion.HowdidtheBrazilianstateachievethis?First,itmade
surethatitkeptasufficientownershipshareinthoseprivatized
SOEs which had good prospects for becoming international
champions.Second,ittookequitystakesinprivatecompaniesit
thoughtcouldbecomeinternationalchampions.
TheBraziliangovernmentmadesureitkeptcontrolofitsSOE
with international potential. BNDES, which was in charge of
privatizationstookthroughBNDESPAR directminoritystakesin
theprivatizedfirmsandhelpedformconsortiawhichbidforblocks
ofshares.IntheseconsortiaitallieditselfwithprivateBrazilian
firms,foreigninstitutionalinvestors,andSOEandex-SOEpension
fundssoastokeepcontroloutofthehandsofforeignMNEs(Inoue,
Lazzarini,&Musacchio,2013).
PensionfundsofSOEsandex-SOEsarenaturalalliesofBNDES.
TheyaremajorBrazilianinvestors.Previ,forinstance,thepension
fundoftheBancodoBrasil,agovernmentownedbank,wasin2015
thelargestLatin-Americanpension fundwithassets ofR$148.4
billion(US$38.3billion).Petros,thepension fundforPetrobras
employees, is the second largest Brazilian pension fund, with
assets ofR$68.1 billion(US$17.6 billion).Thereis considerable
evidence that theBrazilian government hasbeenable toexert
influence onthesepension funds(Costa,2012).Musacchio and
Lazzarini (2014b: 37) write that “because the government has
voice in the management of state-controlled SOEs and these
companieshaveavoiceinthemanagementoftheirpensionfunds,
governments in Brazil...have been able to strategically use
pensionfundsintheirfavor.”Hence,tomeasurethelevelofcontrol
theBraziliangovernmenthasoverfirms,itmakessensetoaddto
4
BNDESnowowns34.9%ofthecompany(Rocha,2014). 5
50.85%bytheBrazilianFederalgovernment,8.13%byBNDES,and4.62%byFundo FiscaldeInvestimentoseEstabilização,aninvestmentfundcontrolledbytheBrazilian
Federalgovernment. 6
thestakes takenby BNDESPAR those taken by SOEs and other
governmentagencies(forexampletheBrazilianstates)andbythe
pensionfundsofpresentandformerSOEs.
Through strategic allianceswith private domestic investors,
stateentities,andthepensionfundsofSOEsorprivatizedSOEs,
BNDESwas successfulin preventingforeignMNEs frombuying
controlling shares in the privatized SOEs. In the first wave of
privatizationsinvolvingindustrialandminingfirms(1991–1997),
foreignersonlygota18%stake(Goldstein,1999:691),comparedto
67%in Argentina (Finchelstein,2016).Take thecase of Vale.In
order toprevent its acquisition by RioTinto, BHP, or Japanese
tradingcompanies,BNDESarrangedtohavethesharessoldtoa
consortiumofBrazilianinstitutions(Chaddad,2003).Ittooka6.9%
directstakeinValeandan11.5%shareinValepar,whichinturn
owns53.9%ofVale.ValeparisaconsortiumofMitsui,twoBrazilian
investors(EletronandBradespar,asubsidiaryoftheBrazilianbank
Bradesco),andofLitel.Litelis,inturn,aconsortiumofPrevi,Petros,
Funcef–thepensionfundoftheCaixaEconomicaFederal(abank
SOE)–andFuncesp,whichmanagesthepensionsoftenBrazilian
utilities, all present and former SOEs (Musacchio & Lazzarini,
2014a). Because BNDES can obtain, when needed, cooperation
fromthepensionfunds,theBrazilianstatehasthroughitsdirect
and indirect stakes effective control over Vale.7 Similarly, the
governmentsolda45%stakeinEmbraerto(a)aconsortiumofUS
investors assembled by Wasserstein Perella, (b) the Bozano
SimonsenBrazilianconglomerate,and(c)PreviandSistel–Sistel
isthepensionfundsof Telebras,atelecommunicationSOE.The
government got a golden share that carries veto power over
changesincontroland corporatepurposeandoverthecreation
andalterationofdefenseprograms(Goldstein,2002).
Second,BNDEShasalsotakenequitysharesinBrazilianfirms
withhighinternationalizationpotential.Between2005and2011,it
injectedUS$4.7billioninequitytofinancetheforeignacquisitions
of Brazilian companies in textiles, IT, pharmaceuticals, and
machinery(Caseiro&Masiero,2014).In2005,forexample,BNDES
tooka stakeinCoteminas tohelp itacquiretheUS textilefirm
Springs Industries (Finchelstein, 2012). Coteminas is now the
world’s largestproducerof hometextiles(daSilva,daRocha, &
Carneiro,2009).Thebulkoftheseequityinvestments,however,
has benefitted Brazilian meat processing companies. BNDES
investedUS$4billiontohelpfinanceJBS’ssuccessiveacquisitions
ofSwiftArmourinArgentina,ofUS-basedcompaniesSwiftandCo,
National Beef, Smithfield Beef, and Pilgrim’s Pride, and of the
TasmanGroupinAustralia.ThisbuyingspreemadeJBStheworld’s
largestbeefprocessorandBNDESitslargestminorityshareholder
witha30percentstake(Musacchio&Lazzarini,2014a).
Let’ssummarizeourargumentsofar.Wehaveshownthatthe
Brazilian government, while it has opened up its economy to
foreigncompetitionand reduced itsstakesin itsSOEs,hasnot
abandonedits policiesof directinterventionin theeconomyin
defense of its sovereignty. These policies, which were
inward-lookingand protectionistunderISI,arenowdirectedatmaking
international champions out of Brazilian firms which have
demonstratedapotentialforsuccessfulinternationalexpansion.
To guarantee that the international champions which have
benefittedfromstateaidremainBrazilianand collaboratewith
thegovernment,thestatehaskept–ortaken–equitypositionin
themthroughBNDES,othergovernmententities,andthepension
funds of SOEs or ex-SOEs. As a result, highly internationalized
Brazilianfirmshaveasignificantlevelofgovernmentownership.
Indeeditisreasonabletobelievethatthehighertheprospectofa
firm becoming aninternational champion,thehigher thestake
thatthestateislikelytotakeinthem.Thisleadsustoourfirst
hypothesis:
Hypothesis 1. The higher the total equity held by Brazilian
government institutions (BNDES,SOE pensionfunds, and other
governmententities)inBrazilianfirms,thehighertheirdegreeof
internationalization.
There is evidence that majority-ownedor fully-owned SOEs
performsignificantlyworsethanfullyprivatefirms(Megginson&
Netter,2001).WehaveseenthatSOEefficiencycanbeimprovedby
having thestatesella majoritystakeintheirSOEstoa private
blockholder. That blockholder will be motivated to maximize
performance,andcanbeexpectedtoefficientlymonitorthefirm’s
managers. Hence firms with minority state ownership should
performbetterthan SOEsmajorityorfully-ownedbythestate.
Inoueetal.(2013)findthatBNDESequityhadapositiveinfluence
ontheprofitabilityofBrazilianfirmsifitsstakewashigherthan
10%.
Onewouldexpectthenegativeconsequencesofstate
owner-shiptobelowerwhentheotherfirmshareholdersowncontrolling
shares than when non-government ownership is dispersed. A
controllingprivateownerhasincentives tobeefficient andthe
powertofightoffthenegativetendenciesofstateownership.A
striking feature of the governance of Brazilian firms is the
important role played by families (Aldrighi & Neto, 2007).
Family-ownedfirmsmakeupalmosthalfofoursampleandare
overwhelminglyfamily-managed.8 Whatistheexpectedimpact
oninternationalizationwhenfamiliesarethedominantownersof
firmspartiallyownedbythegovernment?Whenthegovernment
hasaminorityshare,ithastoworkwiththedominantowner,in
ourcasefamilies.Iffamiliesandthegovernmentdonotsharethe
same internationalizationgoals, thenhavingfamilies in control
mayleadtoalowerlevelofinternationalizationthanwhenthe
governmenthasunambiguouscontrol.Iftheydosharethesame
goals,ontheotherhand,thenhavingfamiliesinchargemayresult
in a higher level of internationalization, because families have
greaterincentivestoperformthancivilservants.
There is evidence that the Brazilian business community –
dominatedbyfamilies,aswehaveseen–sharesthegovernment
viewstowardsinternationalizationandtheneedforgovernment
support to achieve that goal. Ougaard (2014) notes that the
positionpaperspublishedbyBrazil’smainemployerassociations–
atthestateleveltheFederecãodas Industriasdo EstatodeSão
Paulo(FIESP)andatthenationalonetheConfederacãoNacionalde
Indústria (CNI)—call for “continued expansion of the already
competitiveexportindustriesthroughbettermarketaccessabroad
[and] continued growth of outward FDI by Brazilian MNEs”
(Ougaard,2014:9).Ougaard(2014)alsopointsout totheclose
linksbetweenthebusinesscommunityandthestate.Forinstance,
business representatives sit in the 19 competitiveness councils
responsible for implementing the latest development plan, the
PlanoBrasilMaior(2011-).
We would expect therefore family firms in which the
government hastaken a minority share to be more successful
oninternational marketsthanfirms withdispersed ownership.
7
ThiswasshownwhenPresidentLulagotintoaconflictwithVale’sCEO.BNDES gotthesupportofPrevi,Petros,FuncefandFuncepsandsuccessfullyoustedtheCEO overtheobjectionoftheothershareholders.
8
Welookedatallthefirmsinoursampleforwhichthepercentageofvoting sharesheldbyfamilieswasgreaterthan10%andcollecteddataonthecomposition oftheirmanagementteamandBoardofDirectorsatend2014usingtheFormulários de Referência available at the Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission (Comissão de Valores Mobiliários—CVM) and the Sao Paulo Stock Exchange BM&FBOVESPAwebsite.Wefoundthat114outof133firms(86%)hadatleast onefamilymemberontheBoardofDirectors,and104outof133(78%)atleastone familymemberasCEO,VicePresident,Director,orPresidentorVicePresidentofthe BoardofDirectors.
Familyfirmsmaybebetterrun.Forfamilyfirmsatearlystagesof
internationalization,aninjectionofBNDESequityisveryvaluable
becauseinBrazil,asBenjaminSteinbruch,thePresidentofFIESP,
notes“nosingleprivatebankwantstoprovidemiddleandlong
term financing, especially for investments” (Noticias Politica,
2014).Having thegovernmentasa minoritypartneralsohelps
family firms obtain subsidized loans, export financing, and
diplomatic assistance to help line up foreign contracts and to
facilitateforeignmarket entry.And indeed theexample ofJBS,
Coteminas, and Fibriashows that some of the mostsuccessful
Brazilianinternationalizersarefamilyfirms.Thisleadsustoour
secondhypothesis:
Hypothesis2.Firmsinwhichthegovernmentsharescontrolwith
familieswillhaveahigherdegreeofinternationalizationthanfirms
withdispersedownership.
In Brazil, foreigners make up a second important group of
owners(Aldrighi&Neto,2007).Inoursampletheyweredominant
shareholdersin8.3%ofallobservations.Bhaumik,Driffield,andPal
(2010) argue that foreigners usually have better knowledge of
internationalopportunitiesandbettergovernancepracticesthan
domesticfirms,andhencethatfirmsinwhichtheyhaveastake
shouldbemoreinternationalized.Theyfindthatthisisthecasein
Indianfamilyfirms.Similarly,onecouldarguethatforeignfirms
should be able to leverage government equity into superior
internationalperformance.Therearereasons,however,todoubt
thisisthecaseinoursample.InBrazil,manyofthefirmswhere
government and foreigners share control are in banking and
utilities(waterandenergy),sectorswhichwereexcludedfromour
sample.Wehavealsoexcluded firmswhicharemorethan50%
ownedbyforeigners.Inmanyofthefirmsinoursamplewhere
foreignersarethedominantshareholders,theforeignshareisheld
byprivateequityandinvestmentfunds.Forinstance,ownershipof
America Latina Logistica, a railroad company, is shared by the
Brazilian government (through BNDESPAR, and the Previ and
Funcef SOE pension funds) and foreign private equity and
investmentfundsthattogetherholdmorethan20%ofthefirm’s
voting shares. There are reasons to believe that these foreign
ownersareprimarilyinterestedintheBrazilianmarketandnotin
internationalexpansion.Weconcludethereforethatwhilefirmsin
whichthegovernmentsharescontrolwithforeignerswillbemore
internationalizedthanfirmswithdispersedownership,theywill
be less internationalized than firms in which the government
sharescontrolwithfamilies.
Hypothesis3.BrazilianfirmsinwhichtheBraziliangovernment
shares control with foreign investors will have a degree of
internationalization that is higher than firms with dispersed
ownership,butlowerthanfirmsinwhichthegovernmentshares
controlwithfamilies.
Table1
Ownershipstructurecategories. Governmentisdominantshareholder
GOVERNMENT_D_10%(t-1) =1ifGOVERNMENT_%10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%<10%
BNDES_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%<10% PFUNDS_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%<10% OTHGOV_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%<10% BNDES_PFUNDS_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%<10% BNDES_OTHGOV_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%<10% PFUNDS_OTHGOV_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%<10% BNDES_PFUNDS_OTHGOV_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%<10% FamiliesandForeignersaredominantshareholders
FAMILIES_D_10%(t-1) =1ifGOVERNMENT_%<10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%<10% FOREIGNERS_D_10%(t-1) =1ifGOVERNMENT_%<10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%10% FAMILIES_FOREIGNERS_D_10%(t-1) =1ifGOVERNMENT_%<10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%10% GovernmentandFamiliesaredominantshareholders
GOVERNMENT_FAMILIES_D_10%(t-1) =1ifGOVERNMENT_%10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%<10%
BNDES_FAM_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%<10% PFUNDS_FAM_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%<10% OTHGOV_FAM_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%<10% BNDES_PFUNS_FAM_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%<10% BNDES_OTHGOV_FAM_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%<10% PFUNDS_OTHGOV_FAM_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%<10% BNDES_PFUNS_OTHGOV_FAM_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%<10% GovernmentandForeignersaredominantshareholders
GOVERNMENT_FOREIGNERS_D_10%(t-1) =1ifGOVERNMENT_%10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%10%
BNDES_FOR_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%10% PFUNDS_FOR_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%10% OTHGOV_FOR_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%10% BNDES_PFUNS_FOR_D(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%10% BNDES_OTHGOV_FOR_D(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%10% PFUNDS_OTHGOV_FOR_D(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%10% BNDES_PFUNS_OTHGOV_FOR_D(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%<10%andFOR_%10% Government,FamiliesandForeignersaredominantshareholders
GOVERNMENT_FAMILIES_FOREIGNERS_D_10%(t-1) =1ifGOVERNMENT_%10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%10%
BNDES_FAM_FOR_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%10% PFUNDS_FAM_FOR_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%10% OTHGOV_FAM_FOR_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%10% BNDES_PFUNDS_FAM_FOR_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%<10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%10% BNDES_OTHGOV_FAM_FOR_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%<10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%10% PFUNDS_OTHGOV_FAM_FOR_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%<10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%10% BNDES_PFUNDS_OTHGOV_FAM_FOR_D_10%(t-1) =1ifBNDES_%10%andPFUNDS_%10%andOTHERGOV_%10%andFAM_%10%andFOR_%10%
Thecasewherethegovernmentsharescontrolwithfamiliesand
foreigners is an intermediate case between that in which the
government shares control with families and that in which it
sharescontrolwithforeigners.Becausetheequityshareoffamilies
andofthegovernmentislower,wewouldexpectthesefirmsto
have a higher degree of internationalization than firms with
dispersedownership,butaloweronethanfirmsinwhichcontrolis
sharedbetweenfamiliesand thegovernment. Henceourfourth
andlasthypothesis:
Hypothesis4.BrazilianfirmsinwhichtheBraziliangovernment
sharescontrolwithfamilyfirmsandforeigninvestorswillhavea
degree of internationalization that is higher than firms with
dispersed ownershipandfirmsinwhich the governmentshares
controlwithforeignersbutlowerthanfirmsinwhichcontrolis
sharedbetweenfamiliesandgovernment.
3.Dataandmethods
3.1.Sampleanddata
WeselectedallBrazilian firmslisted ontheSãoPauloStock
Exchange(BM&FBovespa)between2002and2011thatreported
dataontheirforeignsales(zeroorpositive)andtheirownership
structure.Weexcludedfinancialfirms,publicutilities(energyand
water),andfirmsmorethan50%ownedbyforeignersinaspecific
year.Weremovedfirmsinwhichyearlyvaluesforreturnonassets
andleveragewerethreestandarddeviationsaboveandbelowthe
mean.Becauseofmissinginformationonforeignsales,especially
inearlyyears,andasaresultofmergers,acquisitions,bankruptcies
anddelisting,weendedupwithanunbalancedpanelsampleof
956firm-yearobservations.
FinancialdatawerecollectedfromtheEconomatica1database.
Informationonforeignsales(bothexportsandlocalsalesofforeign
subsidiaries)wasobtainedfromBloombergandThomsonOneand
wassupplementedbyconsultingtheannualDFP—Demonstrações
Financeiras Padronizadas and Formulários de Referência. Data on
ownership structure were obtained from the Formulários de
ReferênciaandtheInformativos AnuaisavailableattheComissão
deValoresMobiliários.
Ourdependentvariableisafirm’sratioofforeignsalestototal
netsales(FSTS).Foreignsalesconsistofexportsandthelocalsales
offoreignsubsidiaries.FSTSisthemostcommonlyusedindicator
ofinternationalization(Sullivan,1994).Oesterle,Richta,andFish
(2013) found that using FSTS rather than multidimensional
variablesofinternationalizationdidnotchangetheirresults.
Ourmainindependentvariableisthetotalgovernmentstake
taken ina firm (Total Government_ %), which isthesumof the
votingsharesheldby(1)BNDESPAR(BNDES_%);(2)thepension
fundsofBrazilianSOEsandformerSOEs(PensionFunds_%);(3)and
governmentagenciesandgovernmentwholly-ownedbanksand
enterprises(OtherGovernment_%).Wealsoinvestigatetheseparate
influence onforeign sales of these three types of government
stakes.ThelistofallthesegovernmentinvestorsisinAppendixA.
We alsoenter a firm’sfamily stake (Families_%) and foreign
stake(Foreigners_%).Families_%isthepercentageofafirm’svoting
shares owned by families and FOR_% that owned by foreign
investors.Becauseof thepyramidalstructurecommoninBrazil
(Aldrighi&Neto,2007), weconsideredboth directandindirect
stakes(i.e.stakesheldthroughotherfirmsandfunds).
We also created dummy variables torepresent instances of
sharedstockownership—seeTable1.AsinBhaumiketal.(2010),
weassumedthatowningmorethan10%ofthetotalvotingshares
gave some degree of control. In fact, Brazilian law allows
shareholderswho ownmore than10percentofa firm’svoting
sharestoaskforaseatontheboardofdirectors.Familiesarethe
T able 2 Descript iv e statistics for the v ariables and corr elation coef fi cients. Variables Mean Median S td. Dev . Max. Min. 1234 5678 9 1 0 11 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 F S T S (t) 1 4.23 1 .23 2 1 .43 9 7 .80 0.0 0 1 2 F S T S (t-1) 1 3.9 7 0.0 0 2 1 .6 7 98.39 0.0 0 0.96*** 1 3 F S T S (First) 1 3.9 1 0.0 0 2 1 .59 98.39 0.0 0 0.9*** 0.93*** 1 4 BNDES_% (t-1) 1 .23 0.0 0 4.59 3 5.77 0.0 0 0.3 5*** 0.36*** 0.3 1*** 1 5 Pension F unds_% (t-1) 3.25 0.0 0 1 0.40 79.75 0.0 0 0.23*** 0.23*** 0.25*** 0.2*** 1 6 Other Go v ernment_% (t-1) 2.7 2 0.0 0 1 3.28 1 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.02 0.03 0.05 0.0 1 0.03 1 7 T o tal Gov ernment_% (t-1) 7 .20 0.0 0 1 8.32 1 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.2*** 0.2*** 0. 1 8*** 0.3 7*** 0.64*** 0.3 5*** 1 8 Families_% (t-1) 39.05 38.65 32.29 1 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.04 0.05 0.02 0. 1 5*** 0.25*** 0.23*** 0.35 *** 1 9 F or eigners_% (t-1) 7 .32 0.0 0 1 2.55 49.7 4 0.0 0 0.03 0.03 0.03 0 0.04 0. 1*** 0.09*** 0.2 7*** 1 1 0 Ownership Concentra tion (t-1) 6 1 .63 62.54 25.0 0 1 0 0.0 0 5.4 7 0.04 0.04 0 0.04 0.06 0. 1 4*** 0. 1 3*** 0.45*** 0.2 4*** 1 11 Firm Size (t-1) 1 3.80 1 3.7 2 1 .75 20.0 7 8.2 7 0.43*** 0.43*** 0.36*** 0.26*** 0 0.0 7** 0. 1 2*** 0.06* 0. 1 3*** 0.08** 1 1 2 Lev er age (t-1) 26.39 24 .83 1 8.7 2 1 35 .3 5 0.0 0 0.25*** 0.2 7*** 0.26*** 0. 1 3*** 0.03 0.09*** 0.02 0. 1*** 0. 1*** 0. 11*** 0.28*** 1 1 3 Cash (t-1) 1 4 .1 6 1 0.85 1 3.20 90.02 0.0 0 0.03 0.02 0.03 0 0 0.08** 0.06* 0.06* 0. 1 7*** 0.2*** 0. 1 7*** 0. 1 4*** 1 1 4 R O A (t-1) 3.25 4.36 1 2.3 1 7 4.9 1 9 7 .69 0.06* 0.06* 0.06* 0.02 0.0 7** 0.08** 0.09*** 0.05 0.0 7** 0.08** 0.2 4*** 0.2 7*** 0.2*** 1 1 5 Firm Ag e (t-1) 5.82 6.2 1 1 .1 1 7 .2 7 0.0 0 0.2 1*** 0.22*** 0.23*** 0.05 0. 1*** 0.0 1 0.08** 0. 1*** 0.3*** 0. 1 2*** 0.04 0. 1 2*** 0. 1 8*** 0.06 1
dominantshareholdersinalmosthalfoftheobservationsinour
sample.Firmsinwhichfamiliessharecontrolwithforeignersmake
upthesecondlargestcategory(12.7%oftheobservationsinour
sample), followed by firms with dispersed ownership (10.9%),
firmscontrolledbyforeigners(8.3%),andfirmscontrolledbythe
government(7.3%).FirmswiththehighestFSTSarethoseinwhich
thefollowing shareholdersaredominant: (1) BNDESand other
government investors (FSTS=83.5%); (2) BNDES, other
govern-ment investors, and foreign investors (FSTS=80.4%); (3) SOE
pension funds and foreign investors (FSTS=70.4%; (4) BNDES,
families,andforeigninvestors(FSTS=45.2%);(5)BNDESandSOE
pension funds (FSTS=42.5%); and (6) BNDES and families
(FSTS=37.8%).
The theoryof internationalproduction (Dunning & Lundan,
2008;Hennart,1982)tellsusthatoneofthemotivesforselling
abroadistheexploitationoffirm-specificadvantages.Tocontrol
forthis,weusefirmfixedeffects.Wealsoenteredthefollowing
controlvariables:
(1)Ownership Concentration (Ownership Concentration),
mea-suredbythepercentageofshareswithvotingrightsheldbythe
largestshareholders.Wetookintoaccountformalshareholder
agreements,usinginformationfromthefirm’sAnnualReports.
(2)Cash(Cash),measuredbytheratioofcashandequivalentsto
thebookvalueoftotalassets.
(3)Firmsize(FirmSize),measuredbythenaturallogarithmofthe
bookvalueoftotalassets.
(4) FirmAge(FirmAge),measuredbythenaturallogarithmofthe
numberofmonthssincethedateofincorporationreportedin
theCVMregistrationforms.
(5) Leverage(Leverage),measuredbythebookvalueofgrossdebt
overtotalassets.
(6) ReturnonAssets(ROA),measuredbynetincomedividedbythe
bookvalueoftotalassets.
(7) Initialdegreeofinternationalization(FSTSFirst).Toaccountfor
thepossibilitythattheBraziliangovernmentchoosestoinvest
infirmsthataremoreinternationalized,weenteredthefirm’s
firstvalidFSTSobservation(FSTSFirst).Asanotherwaytocontrol
for endogeneity, we also entered the previous year’s FSTS
(FSTSt-1)
Table2presentssomedescriptivestatisticsforthevariables.
3.2.Estimationapproachandeconometricmodels
GovernmentagenciessuchasBNDESandSOEpensionfundsdo
notrandomlyselectthefirmsinwhichtheyinvest.Henceusing
OLS toassess the impact of governmentequity investment on
internationalization may suffer from endogeneity bias because
unobservable factors may affect both the likelihood of state
ownershipinafirmanditslevelofinternationalization,makingit
difficulttoestablishacausallink(Inoueetal.,2013).Tohandlethis
problemwefollowtheseauthorsanduseapanelregressionwith
time-invariant firm-specific effects and year-fixed effects (the
Table3
Impactofgovernmentequitystakeoninternationalization.
TobitModel—DependentVariable=FSTS(t)—MeanoftheMarginalEffectontheExpectedValueoftheTruncatedOutcome
VARIABLES Model1 Model2 Model3 Model4 Model5 Model6
TotalGovernment_%(t-1) 0.1112** 0.09084*** 0.06666** (1.99) (2.83) (2.56) BNDES_%(t-1) 0.29962*** 0.29798** 0.2085** (2.74) (2.37) (1.99) PensionFunds_%(t-1) 0.1174** 0.07286*** 0.06467*** (2.1) (4) (3.89) OtherGovernment_%(t-1) 0.00212 0.01673 0.02895 ( 0.05) ( 0.54) ( 1.36) Families_%(t-1) 0.04381 0.06952*** 0.03716** 0.02736 0.05236*** 0.02745*** ( 1.25) ( 2.7) ( 2.52) ( 0.86) ( 4.71) ( 3.42) Foreigners_%(t-1) 0.06433 0.09958 0.08528 0.04287 0.07466 0.06644 (1.16) (1.34) (1.18) (0.69) (0.89) (0.83) OwnershipConcentration(t-1) 0.01744 0.00013 0.00073 0.01233 0.01215 0.00832 ( 0.55) (0.01) (0.06) ( 0.36) (0.42) (0.46) Cash(t-1) 0.03991 0.05539 0.03445 0.03545 0.04778 0.0294 ( 1.13) ( 1.42) ( 1.39) ( 0.95) ( 1.16) ( 1.09) FirmSize(t-1) 1.40478 0.88925 0.63769 1.42609 0.90555 0.69705 (1.28) (0.83) (0.73) (1.24) (0.74) (0.71) FirmAge(t-1) 15.59408*** 14.32505*** 11.04259*** 13.99337** 12.8461** 9.90434* (3.35) (3.24) (3.04) (2.39) (2.07) (1.93) Leverage(t-1) 0.03266*** 0.01888** 0.01057 0.02819*** 0.01175 0.00667 ( 2.64) ( 2.53) ( 1.33) ( 2.59) ( 1.04) ( 0.76) ROA(t-1) 0.03589** 0.02785 0.00407 0.03018** 0.01607 0.00233 ( 2.13) ( 0.88) ( 0.25) ( 2.21) ( 0.6) (0.19) FSTS(First) 0.8122*** 0.73759*** (6.8) (3.75) FSTS(t-1) 0.18604*** 0.1787*** (9.4) (8.57)
Constant Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
YearFixedEffects Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
FirmFixedEffects Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
ClusteredStandardErrorsoneachIndustry Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
NumberofObservations 956 878 874 956 878 874 NumberofFirms 173 173 173 173 173 173 Logpseudolikelihood 1721.549 1495.85400 1444.14480 1713.92930 1487.71370 1438.98440 PseudoR2 0.3948 0.40940 0.42560 0.39750 0.41260 0.42770 * p<0.10. ** p<0.05. *** p<0.01.
firmsinoursampleexperiencesignificantyear-to-yearchangesin
governmentownership over our period of analysis). Because a
firm’slevelofinternationalizationislikelytobeindustry-specific
(Hennart & Park, 1994), we clustered standard errors at the
industrylevel,makingsurethattherewereatleastthreefirmsin
each industry. Because our dependent variable FSTS varies
betweenzeroandone,andbecausenearlyhalfoftheobservations
in our sample (46.7%) have zero values, we use a Tobit panel
truncatedat zero.Following Bhaumik et al. (2010), we lag our
independentandcontrolvariablesoneyear.Table2 showsthat
correlationcoefficientsbetweenthevariablesarebelowlevelsat
whichmulticollinearitywouldbeaproblem.
4.Results
In Table 3 we evaluate the influence of governmentequity
stakesoninternationalization.Thecoefficientsshowthemarginal
effectofthevariableontheexpectedvalueofFSTS.Lookingfirstat
thecontrolvariables,FirmAgeispositivelyrelatedtothedegreeof
internationalization.ThisisconsistentwiththefindingsofFloriani
andFleury(2012)forBrazilianfirms,andmoregenerallywiththe
Uppsalamodelofgradualinternationalization(Johanson&Vahlne,
1977).Thestaketakenbyfamilies,Families_%(t-1),tendstoreduce
the extent of internationalization when we control for past
internationalization (inmodels2,3, 5 and6), whilethat taken
byforeigninvestors,Foreigners_%(t-1)hasnosignificantimpacton
afirm’sFSTS.Turningnowtoourhypotheses,Models1,2and3
showapositiverelationshipbetweenafirm’sFSTSandthetotal
equitystaketakenbytheBrazilianstatethroughthedevelopment
bankBNDES,governmentagencies,SOEs,andSOEpensionfunds,
asthecoefficientsofTotalGovernment_%(t-1)areallpositiveand
statisticallysignificant.TheseresultssupportH1whichstatesthat
totalgovernmentequityparticipationhasapositiveinfluenceon
the degree of internationalization of Brazilian firms. They are
consistent with the results of Shamsuddoha, Ali, and Ndubisi
(2009),Wangetal.(2012),andZutshiandGibbons(1998)inthe
caseofAsianfirms.ThecoefficientofTotalGovernment_%(t-1)is
0.066inmodel3,whichmeansthataonepercentchangeinthe
equitytakeninafirmbyallgovernmententitieswillresultina
0.06 increase in thefirm’s percentage of foreign tototal sales.
When we split the total Brazilian government stake into its
constituents,i.e.thestaketakenbyBNDES,bySOEpensionfunds,
andbyothergovernmentinstitutions(Models4–6),wefindthat
governmentparticipationthroughSOEpensionfundsandthrough
BNDES has a positive influence on internationalization, as the
coefficients of Pension Funds_% (t-1) and BNDES_% (t-1) are all
Table4
Impactofownershiptypeoninternationalization.
TobitModeltruncatedat0—DependentVariable=FSTS(t)—MeanoftheMarginalEffectontheExpectedValueoftheTruncatedOutcome
>10% >0%
VARIABLES Obs. Model1 Model2 Model3 Obs. Model4 Model5 Model6
GOVERNMENT_D(t-1) 70 1.4732 2.03477 4.14117*** 57 1.31179** 2.60331*** 2.90773*** (0.86) (1.18) (2.87) (2.31) (3.14) (3.83) GOVERNMENT_FAMILIES_D(t-1) 64 3.36419*** 2.81862*** 4.51762*** 92 5.27575*** 5.93005*** 5.53048*** (3.25) (2.57) (3.35) (7.31) (5.6) (8.8) GOVERNMENT_FOREIGNERS_D(t-1) 24 1.19967 0.76894 2.95523* 19 0.53196 0.97698 0.34487 (0.71) (0.44) (1.72) ( 0.21) ( 0.47) ( 0.32) GOVERNMENT_FAMILIES_FOREIGNERS_D(t-1) 28 5.00788** 4.92482* 6.56277*** 82 4.57184** 6.28511* 6.14614** (2.24) (1.83) (2.97) (2.07) (1.93) (2.54) FAMILIES_D(t-1) 466 0.35316 0.5322 2.56525 365 2.09189** 3.02592*** 3.78709*** ( 0.1) ( 0.15) (0.83) (2.18) (2.58) (3.16) FOREIGNERS_D(t-1) 79 1.64257* 2.8171*** 2.46809*** 76 0.32083 0.76648 1.86175* ( 1.78) ( 5) ( 4.33) (0.16) ( 0.47) ( 1.82) FAMILIES_FOREIGNERS_D(t-1) 121 0.81391 2.20295 4.57328 191 3.30148*** 6.6766*** 6.41212*** (0.18) (0.48) (1.19) (5.19) (4.16) (3.92) OwnershipConcentration(t-1) 0.0214 0.01569 0.00188 0.02033 0.01586* 0.00495 ( 1.27) ( 1.03) ( 0.1) ( 1.54) ( 1.66) ( 0.43) Cash(t-1) 0.04237 0.05766 0.03375 0.03606 0.05858 0.03654 ( 1.18) ( 1.52) ( 1.48) ( 0.83) ( 1.21) ( 1.14) FirmSize(t-1) 1.57662 1.09426 0.72801 1.93992 1.3589 0.90831 (1.14) (0.78) (0.66) (1.56) (1.1) (0.93) FirmAge(t-1) 14.67363** 12.88133** 10.17314** 13.35125* 12.45735* 10.5105* (2.52) (2.38) (2.26) (1.91) (1.78) (1.95) Leverage(t-1) 0.02507** 0.01406 0.00709 0.03593*** 0.02721*** 0.01646* ( 2.01) ( 1.38) ( 1.09) ( 3.49) ( 3.13) ( 1.88) ROA(t-1) 0.03262 0.02388 0.00075 0.04256** 0.03356 0.00633 ( 1.62) 0.69) ( 0.05) ( 2.2) ( 0.93) ( 0.39) FSTS(First) 0.62309*** 0.48535** (3.43) (2.2) FSTS(t-1) 0.19997*** 0.19883*** (8.9) (9.93)
Constant Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
YearFixedEffects Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
FirmFixedEffects Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
ClusteredStandardErrorsoneachIndustry Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Observations 956 878 874 956 878 874 Firms 173 173 173 173 173 173 Logpseudolikelihood 1728.9861 1505.9179 1447.2989 1729.3877 1504.3377 1445.7549 PseudoR2 0.3922 0.4054 0.4244 0.3921 0.406 0.425 * p<0.10. ** p<0.05. *** p<0.01.
positiveandstatisticallysignificant.Thestaketakenbyother
state-owned agencies (Other Government_% (t-1)) is not statistically
significant.
InTable4weinvestigatetheimpactofgovernmentstakeson
internationalizationinfirmsinwhichthesestakesarecombined
withthoseoffamiliesandforeigners.Todothisweusethedummy
variablesdescribedinTable1,whichhavea10%cutoff.Hence,as
showninTable1,GOVERNMENT_Dcorrespondstothecaseoffirms
wherethetotalgovernmentstakeisgreaterthan10% whilethe
stakesoffamiliesandforeignersarebothlessthan10%.Likewise,
GOVERNMENT_FAMILIES_D corresponds tothe case of a firm in
whichthetotalgovernmentstakeandthestakeheldbyfamilies
arebothgreaterthan10%,andthatheldbyforeignersislessthan
10%,whileGOVERNMENT_FOREIGNERS_Dcorrespondstothecase
wherethetotalgovernmentstakeandthestakeheldbyforeigners
arebothgreaterthan10%andthatheldbyfamilieslessthan10%.
Theomittedgrouparefirmsinwhichthegovernment,thefamilies
andforeigninvestorsownlessthan10%ofthevotingshares,i.e.
firmswithdispersedownership.Models4–6ofTable4alsoshows
the results with a zero cutoff. In that case, GOVERNMENT_D
corresponds to the case where the total government stake is
greaterthanzero,whilethestakesoffamiliesandforeignersare
zero.LikewiseGOVERNMENT_FAMILIES_Dthendescribesthecase
wherethetotalgovernmentstakeandthestakeheldbyfamilies
areboth greaterthanzero,and that heldby foreignersiszero,
while GOVERNMENT_FOREIGNERS_D corresponds to the case
wherethetotalgovernmentstakeandthestakeheldbyforeigners
arebothgreaterthanzerowiththatheldbyfamiliesbeingequalto
zero.Theomittedgroupinthiscaseiscomposedoffirmsinwhich
thegovernment, familiesand foreigninvestorsdo nothaveany
directorindirectvotingshares.Thecoefficientsshowthemeansof
themarginaleffectsofthevariablesontheexpectedvalueofFSTS.
Model3ofTable4showsthatthedegreeofinternationalization
is higher for firms in which the government is the dominant
shareholder,thatiswhenitistheonlypartywithmorethan10%of
theshares,thanforfirmswithdispersedownership.Theimpactof
governmentownershipis particularly strongwhenthe
govern-ment allies itself with family firms: the coefficients of the
GOVERNMENT_FAMILIES_D dummy are positive and statistically
significantat1%inallmodels.Theyarealsolargerthanthosefor
theGOVERNMENT_Ddummyatbotha10%andazerocutoff.This
supportsH2inwhichwehypothesizedthatfirmsunderthejoint
influence of families and the government would be strong
internationalizers.Thesizeoftheeffectiseconomicallysignificant,
sincethecoefficientofGOVERNMENT_FAMILIES_Dis4.52inModel
3,indicatingthatFSTSis4.5percentagepointshigherinfirmsin
whichthegovernmentandfamiliesowneachmorethan10%ofthe
voting shares(andforeign investorsless than 10%)than in the
omittedcategory.FSTSisalsohigherinfirmswheretheBrazilian
government,families,andforeignerseachownmorethan10%of
the shares than in the omitted category, as the coefficient of
GOVERNMENT_FAMILIES_FOREIGNERS_Dispositiveandsignificant
inModel3.TheFSTSforthesefirms(6.56inmodel3)isalsohigher
than that for firms where the government sharescontrol with
foreigners(2.95inmodel3),butalsohigherthanthatforfirms
wherethegovernmentsharescontrolwithfamilies(4.52inmodel
3).ThisprovidesonlypartialsupportforH4.
ThecoefficientofGOVERNMENT_FOREIGNERS_Dispositive,but
onlymildlysignificantinModel3,showingthatfirmsinwhichthe
governmentsharescontrolwithforeigners arenot significantly
moreinternationalizedthanfirmswithdispersedownership.Thus
ourresultsonlyprovideweaksupportforH3.Aswementioned,
theforeignownersofmostofthesefirmsareprivateequityand
investmentfirmswho maypreferthat thefirmsinwhich they
investfocusentirelyonBrazil.Foreignownersarealsolesslikelyto
beinfluencedbygovernmentequityastheyarelessdependenton
governmentresources.AsTable4shows,alltheprecedingresults
areunchangedwhenweuseazeropercentcutoff(models4–6).
4.1.Robustnesstests
We have seen that endogeneity poses a potential problem
becausetheBraziliangovernmentdoesnotchooserandomlythe
firmsinwhichitwantstotakeequity.Ifitchoosestoinvestin
companiesthatalreadyhaveahighdegreeofinternationalization,
this maylead ustoerroneouslyconcludethatit isgovernment
equitythatleadstointernationalization.Tocontrolforthis,weuse
Stata’spropensityscorematchingprogram.Thisprogramcreates
comparablecontrolgroupsoffirmswithcharacteristicssimilarto
thoseinwhichthegovernmenthastakenastake(eitherthrough
BNDES,SOE pension funds,orothergovernmentagencies).The
firm-levelcharacteristicsconsideredaretheindustrytowhichthe
firm belongs, and firm size, ownership concentration, cash
holdings, leverage, age and profitability. We then compare the
levelofinternationalizationinthesetwogroupsofsimilarfirms
whentheydifferinthelevelofgovernmentequity.
TheresultsarepresentedinTable5.Theyshowthatfirmsin
which thegovernment has an equity stake have on average a
higherdegree ofinternationalizationthan firmswhich haveno
governmentequity stakebut aresimilar interms of size,cash,
leverage,andprofitability,andbelongtothesameindustry.This
resultisstatisticallysignificantatthe5%confidencelevelwhen
using0%ownershipasthresholdfortotalgovernmentstakeandat
the 1% confidence level using 10% as threshold for total
Table5
Impactofgovernmentequitystakeoninternationalization. PropensityScoreMatching
Output—FSTS(t) N.Obs. N.ObsTreated N.ObsUntreated Treated Controls Difference StandardError T-stat
TotalGovernment>0% 941 242 699 26.149 19.332 6.817**
3.4647 1.97
TotalGovernment>10% 948 185 763 28.107 17.581 10.526***
3.8804 2.71
TotalGovernment<10%and>0% 948 63 885 17.992 18.094 0.103 4.0396 0.03
BNDES>0% 948 106 842 38.759 28.417 10.342** 5.1418 2.01 BNDES>10% 688 48 640 44.725 37.029 7.696 6.3316 1.22 BNDES<10%and>0% 793 58 735 33.822 31.181 2.64 7.6669 0.34 PensionFunds>0% 941 163 778 24.156 17.389 6.767** 3.2146 2.11 PensionFunds>10% 924 117 807 27.592 19.673 7.919** 3.6035 2.2
PensionFunds<10%and>0% 931 52 879 13.735 12.839 0.895 3.5397 0.25
OtherGovernment>0% 776 74 702 24.951 15.540 9.411 6.4446 1.46
OtherGovernment>10% 769 48 721 23.269 16.090 7.179 7.0343 1.02
OtherGovernment<10%and>0% 752 26 726 28.057 29.513 1.456 7.8922 0.18
* p<0.10. ** p<0.05. *** p<0.01.