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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

M ule

Drivers

in

Ninet eent h- Cent ury

Lebanon:

f rom

local

social

hist ory

t owards Global Hist ory

DOI: ht t p://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2236- 463320161403

Joane Chaker

Hist ory Depart ment of Harvard Universit y, Cambridge M A, Est ados Unidos da América joanechaker@ g.harvard.edu

Abst ract : This art icle makes t he case for a project in t he making: a st udy of t he social

t ransformat ion of t he count ryside as it joins t he global market over t he long ninet eent h

cent ury, t old as a collect ive biography of t he mule drivers of Ot t oman Lebanon t hose

obscure peasant s who, owning one or a few mules, made t heir livelihood in t he t ransport

of goods and persons rat her t han work t he land. Over t he first half of t he cent ury, t hese

act ors mobilized for revolt s while a village- based economy t urned t o cash- crop agricult ure

and t he cent ral government built a new st at e apparat us t hat would insure it s survival

1860s t o t he First World War, as local resources were divert ed t o feed European indust ry

and local pet t y- t rade net works came undone, when elit es at all levels st ruggled t o assert

t heir cont rol over labor and resources, t hese same mulet eers t urned int o social bandit s

smugglers who d

ext ract ion. Some of t hem accumulat ed wealt h and ult imat ely int egrat ed an emerging

middle class. The project ed account makes t wo hist oriographical int ervent ions. (a) Wit hin

t he hist ory of

t ied t o development s t hat are charact erist ic of capit alism over t he period namely, t he

rise of a new kind of st at e and t he loss of cont rol over resources by local act ors at t he

margins. This approach pushes against purely cult uralist explanat ions, at t empt ing t o wed

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

rural bandit s in t he Anat olian and Romanian hint erlands of t he Ot t oman Empire, as well as

wit h t he gauchos in Lat in America, ox- cart drivers in India, and rickshaw pullers in China,

t his local hist ory speaks to a global hist ory of capit alism. Reducing t he scale of analysis t o

reveal t he subject ivit y of local act ors, and linking t he cult ural norms t hat shape agency t o

object ive st ruct ural t ransformat ion t hat can be compared across cont ext s, t his project

challenges hist ories of capit alism t hat ignore t he count ryside or t he global Sout h and

t hereby produce a sanit ized account charact erized by secular polit ics and a liberal cult ure.

Keywords: Global hist ory; Rural hist ory; Social hist ory; Peasant revolt ; Subalt ern;

Capit alism; Ot t oman Empire; M iddle East ; Lebanon; Sect arianism; t he Novel (lit erary

genre); Ninet eent h cent ury.

Int roduct ion

This art icle makes t he case for a project in t he making: a st udy of t he social

t ransformat ion of t he count ryside as it joins t he global market over t he long ninet eent h

cent ury, t old as a collect ive biography of t he mule drivers of Ot t oman Lebanon t hose

obscure peasant s who, owning one or a few mules, made t heir livelihood in t he t ransport

of goods and persons rat her t han work t he land. Over t he first half of t he cent ury, t hese

act ors mobilized for revolt s while a village- based economy t urned t o cash- crop agricult ure

and t he cent ral government built a new st at e apparat us t hat would insure it s survival

From t he

1860s t o t he First World War, as local resources were divert ed t o feed European indust ry

and local pet t y- t rade net works came undone, when elit es at all levels st ruggled t o assert

t heir cont rol over labor and resources, t hese same mulet eers t urned int o social bandit s

ext ract ion. Some of t hem accumulat ed wealt h and ult imat ely int egrat ed an emerging

middle class.

The project ed account makes t wo hist oriographical int ervent ions. (a) Wit hin t he

onfessional t ensions are

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

rise of a new kind of st at e and t he loss of cont rol over resources by local act ors at t he

margins. This approach pushes against purely cult uralist explanat ions, at t empt ing t o wed

cult uralist and mat erialist st ances. (b) Conversely, by drawing parallels wit h ot her mount ed

rural bandit s in t he Anat olian and Romanian hint erlands of t he Ot t oman Empire, as well as

wit h t he gauchos in Lat in America, ox- cart drivers in India, and rickshaw pullers in China,

t his local hist ory speaks to a global hist ory of capit alism. Reducing t he scale of analysis t o

reveal t he subject ivit y of local act ors, and linking t he cult ural norms t hat shape agency t o

object ive st ruct ural t ransformat ion t hat can be compared across cont ext s, t his project

challenges hist ories of capit alism t hat ignore t he count ryside or t he global Sout h and

t hereby produce a sanit ized account charact erized by secular polit ics and a liberal cult ure.

The Turn t o Cash Crop Cult ivat ion and t he Struggle Over t he Cont rol of Surplus,

1 8 0 0 - 1 8 6 0

Alt hough cot t on was an import ant fact or in t he commercializat ion of t he Ot t oman

was t obacco, which went most ly t o Egypt , where

it was rolled int o cigaret t es. The Egypt ian cigaret t e became a sought - aft er art icle of luxury

in Europe, and t obacco prices rose st eadily t hroughout t he ninet eent h cent ury.1 This soon

became t he richest sect or in agricult ure, and some regions namely Salonika, t he shores

of t he Adriat ic and of t he Black Sea, and part icularly Lat akia on t he Syrian coast rapidly

specialized in t obacco cult ivat ion in response t o foreign demand. Tobacco was also grown

in t he Lebanese mount ain, part icularly in t he area of Kura and in t he sout hern- most part s;

but t he most import ant export of t hat part icular region was silk. Toward t he end of t he

int erior, from France, and from Egypt increased significant ly. M arit ime t rade developed

fast along t he Syrian coast , and mulberry t rees, alongside ot her cash crops such as vines

and olives, expanded at t he expense of grains and t he varied product s of subsist ence

1 Oscar Wilde at t ached t he consumpt ion of Egypt ian cigaret t es t o t he image of t he dandy. See WELIVER,

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

farming. By t he early ninet eent h- cent ury, t he Lebanese mount ain import ed up t o 65

percent of it s grain consumpt ion from Egypt or t he Syrian int erior.2

The growing capacit y of t his economy t o generat e cash soon at t ract ed t he

at t ent ion of t he st at e and of elit es at all levels, who fought for t he cont rol of t his t rade

and t he profit it generat ed by championing compet ing polit ical project s for t he region. This

narrat ive can serve t o frame t he 1820 revolt by peasant s in t he nort hern Lebanese

mount ain refusing t o pay addit ional t axes imposed by a new provincial governor in Akka;

t he mount ing t ensions among t he elit es t hemselves t hroughout t he mount ain; t he

exp

mout hpiece of t he grieved peasant s of nort hern Lebanon.3 The biggest cont ender for

cont rol over t he growing Syrian- Egypt ian t rade, however, was t he separat ist provincial

his rule, Beirut rose t o prominence among t he port s of t he Syrian coast , and t he Beirut

-Zahle road was opened t o link t he int erior t o t he port . This expanded market s and credit t o

t he peasant s, encouraging t he shift t o mulberry t rees, olive t rees, and grapevine, as well as

t obacco. M ost import ant ly, wit h t he spread of sericult ure and demographic growt h, land

increased in value. This period again saw peasant rebellions, in Hawran in 1837- 1838, and

in t he nort hern part s of M ount Lebanon in 1840.4

t he ret aliat ion of a new Sult an in Ist anbul. In 1839, Abdülmecid promulgat ed t he

Tanzimat, a regime of reforms promising fair t axat ion, an end t o t rade rest rict ions, securit y

2 AKARLI, Engin Deniz.

The Long Peace: Ot t oman Lebanon, 1861- 1920. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: Universit y of California Press, 1993, p. 17- 8; ISSAWI, Charles (ed.). The Economic Hist ory of Turkey, 1800-1914. Chicago: Universit y of Chicago Press, 1980, p. 49, 52, 250- 2; ____. The Economic Hist ory of t he M iddle East , 1800- 1914. Chicago and London: The Universit y of Chicago Press, 1966, p. 229; M URPHY, Rhoads. Tobacco Cult ivat ion in Nort hern Syria and Condit ions of it s M arket ing and Dist ribut ion in t he Lat e Eight eent h Cent ury. Turcica 17, 1985, p. 207- 11; QUATAERT, Donald. Social Disint egrat ion and Popular Resist ance in t he Ot t oman Empire, 1881- 1908: React ions t o European Economic Penet rat ion. New York and

London: New York Universit y Press, 1983, p. 13; TOKSÖZ, M elt em. The Çukurova: From Nomadic Life t o

Commercial Agricult ure, 1800 1908. Ph.D .dissert at ion, St at e Universit y of New York at Binghamt on, 2000.

3 AKARLI, Engin Deniz.

Op. Cit ., p. 19, 21, 26.

4 AKARLI, Engin Deniz.

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

of propert y and life, and t he equit able t reat ment of all subject s before t he law. The t hrust

of t he Gülhane rescript , t he Hat t - of 1839, and of t he programmat ic direct ive

t hat followed it in t he nizamname of 1840, was t o remove t he t ax farmer, cast as

parasit ic, so t hat more just ly assessed t axat ion develops t he wealt h of t he product ive

households of t he empire.5 While t he reforms were present ed as prot ect ing t he peasant ry

against excessive exploit at ion, in pract ice, t hey promised t o disent angle land from t he web

of layered right s t hat prohibit ed it s commercializat ion, so t hat it could serve as collat eral.

The product ion of cash crops for a global market necessit at ed credit , and credit required

collat eral. In t hat sense, t he reform program announced in 1839 cat ered t o t he int erest s of

European indust rialist s, credit ors, and financiers who would profit from t hat financing and

t hing t hat can impede commerce or

agricult ure shall be abolished. To accomplish t hese object s means shall be sought t o profit

6 Thus t he edict promised t o open t he

region up t o European capit al. Effect ively, European st at es, in support of t heir own

capit alist s, soon backed t he Sult an: in 1841, Ibrahim was pushed back by a joint Brit ish,

Aust rian, and Ot t oman campaign. In t his account , t he reforms cannot be separat ed from

t he 1838 t rade convent ions signed by t he Ot t oman st at e wit h t he Brit ish, French, Russians,

and Aust rians, inaugurat ing a period of free t rade.

This open- door policy gave Europeans and t heir local associat es an advant age over

ot her local merchant s, landed not ables, and art isans, who became dependent on t he

former for credit and business. In t he Lebanese mount ain, moreover, t he elit es who had

been oust ed by Ibrahim for siding wit h t he Ot t omans ret urned t o reclaim est at es t hey

considered t heir own, only t o be faced by peasant s who refused t o be considered t enant s.

Percept ions of propriet orship were already changing, but t hey were st ill being disput ed. As

t he lords were Druze and t he peasant ry M aronit e, t he conflict t urned int o a bloody

sect arian war in 1841. As a solut ion, and under European pressure, t he cent ral government

split t he region int o t wo qaim- maqamiyyas, or dist rict s, one formally dedicat ed t o t he

5 M UNDI, M art ha; SAUM AREZ Richard.

Governing Propert y, M aking t he M odern St at e: Law, Administ rat ion and Product ion in Ot t oman Syria. London: I.B Tauris, 2007; p. 41, 44.

6 BEININ, Joel.

Workers and Farmers in t he M odern M iddle East. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

M aronit es and one t o t he Druzes. It

at t empt ed a cadast ral survey but was

blocked by t he elit es, w ho fought among

t hemselves and against t he peasant ry t o

assert cont rol over as much land as

possible.7 In Kisrawan, a region wit hin t he

qaim- maqamiyya, t he

imposit ion of harsh t enancy condit ions led

t o a revolt by t he peasant s of Kisrawan in

1858- 1859, t he expulsion t he local Khazin

lords, and t he t ake- over of t heir propert y.

The peasant s furt her sout h were soon

moved by t he same spirit here however,

t he peasant s were M aronit e while t he lords

were Druze, and t he st rife t urned sect arian,

t he European powers each int ervening on behalf of a sect . This was resolved wit h an

Règlement

inst it ut ing t he mut asarrif iyya ruled by a cent rally appoint ed Christ ian governor in

consult at ion wit h a locally elect ed council. Each village elect ed a sheikh, and t hose sheikhs

elect ed t he councilors. That council had t he power t o vet o t ax increases and had t he

unt t he populat ion as well as measure and assess t he value

of cult ivat ed land and income- yielding buildings, begun in 1861, was complet ed in 1869.

This survey provided t he basis for t he propert y t ax, which remained fixed unt il t he

mandat e period.8

7 AKARLI, Engin Deniz.

Op. Cit ., p. 24- 9.

8 AKARLI, Engin Deniz.

Op. Cit ., p. 29, 106- 7; CHEVALIER, Dominique. Aux origines des t roubles agraires

Libanais en 1858. Annales, 14, 1959, p. 44- 51; PORATH, Yehoshua. The Peasant Revolt of 1858- 1861 in

Kisraw an. Asian and African St udies, 2, 1966, p. 77- 157; BUHEIRY, M arw an. Op. Cit ., p. 291- 302; KERR,

M alcolm (ed.). Lebanon in t he Last Years of Feudalism, 1840- 1860: A Cont emporary Account by Ant un Dahir

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory The M ulet eers as M ut ineers, 1 8 0 0 - 1 8 6 0

Despit e ment ions, t ime and again, of mulet eers st anding out from t he riot ing

crowd, t heir role as an import ant mobilizing force in t he peasant revolt s ment ioned in t he

previous sect ion has gone unnot ed. Tanyos Shahin, t he renowned leader of t he revolt of

1858 ment ioned above, was a farrier t urned mulet eer.9 M ansur But rus Abu Ant oine and

But rus Tannus, prominent rebels capt ured during t he same uprising and beat en unt il blood

t he mulet eer of t he village of Rayfun and

10

Why were t hose working in rural t ransport more likely t o lead t he revolt s? The

answer is which t he

aut hors not e t hat t heir subject s were self - employed, mobile, in cont act wit h large

numbers of humble people, and independent from pat rons, wealt hy client s and

employers.11 All t hese at t ribut es were equally t rue of workers in rural t ransport , who

owned t heir means of product ion t he world over. A st udy of rickshaw men who led popular

12 Flexible and

mobile, t he Banjara ox- cart drivers of ninet eent h- cent ury Indian Berar were described as

13 In t he t urn- of- t he- cent ury novel by t he Lebanese

aut hor Ameen Rihani ent it led The M ulet eer and t he Priest, t he Lebanese mulet eer, t oo,

14

int elligent because he spends most of his t ime in cont emplat ive solit ude, in t he t ranquilit y

9 YAZBAK, Yusuf Ibrahim.

Al- Judhur al- t arikhiyya li al- harb al- lubnaniyya[The Hist orical Root Causes of t he Lebanese War]. Beirut : Naw fal, 1993. p. 268.

10 M AKDISI, Ussama. Corrupt ing t he Sublime Sult anat e: The Revolt of Tanyus Shahin in Ninet eent h - Cent ury

Ot t oman Lebanon. Comparat ive St udies in Societ y and Hist ory, v. 42, n. 1, Jan. 2000, p. 207.

11 HOBSBAWM , Eric J.; SCOTT, Joan Wallach. Polit ical Shoemakers. Past & Present, 89, Nov. 1980, p. 103. 12 STRAND, David. Rickshaw Beijing: Cit y People and Polit ics in t he 1920s. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London:

Universit y of California Press, 1989. p. 61, 63.

13 SATYA, Laxman D.

Cot t on and Famine in Berar, 1850- 1900. New Delhi: M anohar, 1997. p. 247, 259.

14

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

of mount ains, valleys and plains. Precisely because of t his solit ude, one can imagine t he

mulet eers t o have been open and ready for conversat ion when in company. They collect ed

many anecdot es wit h which t hey ent ert ained t heir passengers.15 The mulet eers met each

ot her at t he inns, where t hey could share t he news of t he day glanced while roaming

different part s. Tanyos Shahin, t he mulet eer who led t he peasant revolt of 1858, had

t raveled part icularly widely for t he t imes. As he often worked for t he missionary school in

Rayfun, t he Lazarist monks had obt ained for him credent ials from t he French consulat e

t hat allowed him t o pass int ernal borders.16 Travel was equally import ant in t he charact er

it allowed him t o reckon

t hat povert y was not a circumst ant ial problem beset t ing a number of individuals, but a

societ y- wide, st ruct ural issue:

Running behind my mules, roaming t he mount ains from t he sout h end t o t he nort h, I realized t hat t he rich among t he people were very few, count able on t he fingers of t wo hands. And I realized t hat t he people, consist ing of sharecroppers

goods t hen? In whose hands are t hey? In whose coffers is t he money accumulat ing? Who is eat ing t he harvest ?17

Joined t hrough t heir work t o t he basic rhyt hms of rural life, rural t ransport workers

had a privileged perspect ive of societ y at large.

ness t o accept

new ideas. In his cont inual peregrinat ions, t he mulet eer met people from all ranks and

discovered many villages.18 Tanyos Shahin learned a lot from his discussions wit h t he

Lazarist missionaries as he drove t hem back and fort h; not only could he repeat French

-account s even spoke some It alian.19 In t hat he resembled t he rickshaw men, who were 20

Similarly, mingling freely wit h people from all across t he sub- cont inent , t he Banjaras

15 RIHANI, Ameen.

Al- M ukari w a- l- Kahin [The M ulet eer and t he Priest ]. Beirut : Dar al- Rihani li- l- -

l-Nashr, 1969. p. 8- 10.

16 M AKDISI, Ussama.

Op. Cit ., p. 194.

17 RIHANI, Ameen.

Al- M ukari, 1969, p.36- 7.

18

Ibidem, p.10, 14.

19 KERR, M alcolm.

Op. Cit ., p. 22; YAZBAK, Yusuf Ibrahim. Op. Cit ., p. 268.

20 STRAND, David.

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

spoke many languages and acquired t he abilit y t o communicat e wit h very different people

wit h equal ease.21

M ore import ant ly, as he was likely t o be hi

22 A person

his opinions, which t here was no reason t o

23 The mulet eer or t he cart driver had conversat ions wit h his numerous client s

individually rat her t han in big groups, on t he lonesome journey bet ween villages. At t he

same t ime, he could always find an audience, and like t he rickshaw pullers, had t he power

t o spread rumors and t o move individual grievances int o t he public realm.24 For all t hese

reasons, he was st rat egically well placed t o circulat e ideas and perhaps even mobilize for

act ion.

Capit alist Transf ormat ion f rom t he Perspect ive of t he Subalt ern, 1 8 6 0 - 1 9 1 4

Land reforms and ot her legal innovat ions worked alongside t echnical innovat ions,

such as railroads, t o provide t he European indust ry wit h vit al primary mat erials. Yet t hese

forces also meant t he ext inct ion of local market net works and t he dying out of t he local

economy. Nat urally, t he act ors t o apprehend t his t rend first and foremost were t hose

working in rural t ransport.

- colonial t imes exhibit ed

complex net work of fairs and bazars along which t heir cart s move 25 At every village fair

and weekly Bazar in

pre-26 Similarly, t he Lebanese mulet eers

21 SATYA, Laxman D.

Op. Cit ., p. 247, 249, 252.

22

Ibidem, p. 247.

23 HOBSBAWM , Eric J.; SCOTT, Joan Wallach.

Op. Cit ., p. 103- 4.

24 STRAND, David.

Op. Cit ., p. 63.

25 SATYA, Laxman D.

Op. Cit ., p. 260.

26

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

modern- day Syria, and against t ext iles and food bought in t he cit ies along t he way.27

Throughout t he lat t er half of t he ninet eent h cent ury, however, t he t ransport infrast ruct ure

developed quickly wit h the aim of opening t he count ry t o t he world market . The Beirut

-Damascus road, linking t he hint erland across t he mount ain range t o t he rapidly developing

port , was complet ed in 1863. In place of t he t hree- day- journey on horseback from

Damascus t o Beirut across t he mount ain, it offered a daily coach service t hat t ook a mere

t hirt een hours. At t he t urn of t he cent ury, a railroad connect ing t he t wo cit ies t hrough t he

mount ain (quit e lit erally, by a t unnel) made t he journey even short er, and exponent ially

increased t he t ransport capacit y. Built and run by foreign capit al, t hat same line ext ended

t o t he grain- producing region of Hawran.28

This had been an import ant rout e for t he mulet eers. M odern t ransport not only put

rural t ransport workers out of business. It also undid local t rade net works more generally.

The Damascene sheikh al- Qasimi records in his dict ionary:

A very frequent t rade before t he railroad passed t hrough, t here used t o be no less

This was very lucrat ive t o t he people, merchant s, grain vendors, fodder vendors, and innkeepers. All t his has come t o be missed in Damascus; t his t rade has declined infinit ely, and t hose who pract ice it have become very few in numbers, God only knows t he reason why, t here is no Lord but He.29

eople in art icles of daily

30 According t o Sat ya:

The railw ay in Berar primarily t ransport ed cot t on but t he Banjara bullock cart s carried bot h cot t on and grains. Aft er t he demise of Banjaras t he cot t on was t ransport ed by European firms and moneylenders in t heir own cart s. The grain

27 QASIM I, M uhammad Said; QASIM I, Jamal al- Din;

AL-Qamus al- - Shamiyya

[The Dict ionary of Damascene Trades]. Ed. AL- QASIM I, Thafir. Paris: M out on & Co., 1960, p. 466.

28 AKARLI, Engin Deniz.

Op. Cit ., p. 113- 4; ISSAWI. The Economic Hist ory of t he M iddle East, part icularly Part IV

Chapt er 4.

29 QASIM I M uhammad Said; QASIM I, Jamal al- Din;

Op. Cit ., p. 466.

30 SATYA, Laxman D.

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory Wit h t his disappearance many small art icles of daily consumpt ion which were hit hert o available t o t he village populat ion were no longer available.31

In short , wit h t he land reforms, resources in t he periphery converged t owards t he

railway syst em t hat t hrust t hem int o indust rial Europe. The t ransit ion ef fect ed by t he

forces of supply and demand was hast ened wit h regulat ion aimed at furt her limit ing

int ernal commerce, t hereby speeding up t he deat h of local indust ry.32 This st ory is normally

t old as a sequel t o t he forced dispossession and coerced labor effect ed by foreign armies,

as t hey were in t he Americas or in India.33 Bringing t hese diverse backgrounds int o a single

narrat ive encompassing t he Ot t oman Empire, where a local elit e was part and parcel of t he

t ransformat ion, may serve t o quest ion t he dist inct ion bet ween war capit alism and

capit alism t out court.

The M ulet eers as Social Bandit s, 1 8 6 0 - 1 9 1 4

Smuggling was an effort on t he part of mulet eers t o st ay in business. Yet t hat

same act ivit y benefit ed t he peasant ry more broadly. Again, t he bandit - mulet eers have

gone unnot ed by hist orians, despit e ment ions in t he sources of Lebanese mulet eers

smuggling now t obacco, t hen wheat , at a t ime w hen t hese product s were cont rolled by

monopolist s or requisit ioned for army provisioning.

During t he famine t hat preceded t he First World War in Lebanon, when t he Turkish

army was requisit ioning foodst uffs, Druze mulet eers in bands of fift een t o t went y

undert ook expedit ions t o t he neighboring Druze mount ain of Hawran, from where t hey

smuggled back wheat .34 This was part icularly vit al t o t he peasant ry when food was

scarce.35 The smuggling not only ensured survival in t imes of famine; more generally, it

31

Ibidem, p. 264.

32

Ibidem, p. 260- 1, 265- 7.

33 SATYA, Laxman D.

Op. Cit .,

BECKERT, Sven. Empire of Cot t on: A Global Hist ory. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2015. Chapt er 4: Lat e Vict orian Holocaust s: El Niño Famines and

t he M aking of t he Third World. London: Verso, 2001.

34 UNITED KINGDOM , HOUSE OF COM M ONS. Report for t he Year 1886 on t he Trade of Beyrout . In:

Sessional Papers, 1887. London: William Clowes and Sons, for HM SO, 1806- 1908. 503- 10, p. 509; BRAND, Tylor. Lives Darkened by Calamit y: Enduring t he Famine of World War I in Lebanon and West ern Syria. Ph.D. diss., American Universit y of Beirut , 2014, p. 123- 4.

35

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

g net works delegit imized by t he new. It worked

against st at e monopolies and barriers t o ent ry inherent in t he new scale of product ion and

market ing, t hus pushing back against t he prolet arianizat ion of t he peasant ry. In t he 1880s,

French and Brit ish officia

in and out of Lebanon.36 As t he Druze populat ion was ent irely set t led, and in view of t he

bands of mulet eers involved in wheat smuggling, it is safe t o assume t hat t he French

report ers had confused t hese bands of mulet eers for nomads. The Ot t oman Public Debt

Administ rat ion est imat ed t hat a good t hird of t obacco consumed in t he empire escaped

t he cont rol of a foreign- owned t obacco Régie during t he first five years of operat ions from

1883.37 Quat aert cit ed more drast ic figures, such as t he est imat e of an Ot t oman employee

38

The smuggling was as beneficial t o t he peasant s as it was t o t he mulet eers. The

growers declared less t han t he surface t hey act ually cult ivat ed and sold t he undeclared

was considered a form of rect ificat ion compensat ing t he cult ivat ors for t he loss of income

caused by Régie pract ices. Smuggling also spared t he farmer t axes, and spared him shares

t o t he landlord when he was a sharecropper.39 The t obacco was t hen secret ly sold in

Damascus t hrough t he t ut unji (t obacco vendor), or t hrough f arram al- t at an (lit erally t he

t obacco chopper), t hereby sust aining local art isans who ot herwise could not compet e

against t he export ers for t heir primary mat erial.40

For t hese reasons, t hese mulet eers- t urned- smugglers were considered men of

wort h in t he peasant communit y:

36 VERNEY, Noël; DAM BM ANN George.

Les Puissances Et rangères dans le Levant en Syrie et en Palest ine. Paris: Guillaumin, 1900, p. 184.

37 THOBIE, Jacques.

- 1914). Paris: Imprimerie

Nat ionale, 1977, p. 187.

38 QUATAERT, Donald.

Op. Cit ., p. 19, 21.

39

Ibidem, p. 18- 9. THOBIE, Jacques. Op. Cit ., p. 187.

40 QASIM I M uhammad Said; QASIM I, Jamal al- Din;

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory The inherent risk of smuggling increased t he price of t he t rafficked food when it was sold in t he villages, but it is int erest ing t o not e t hat t he mount ain smugglers were not regarded wit h t he same social st igma as were t he smuggler appears in numerous memoirs and recollect ions of t he period, more oft en t han not in laudat ory t erms. To some ext ent , t his may have been because t hey were seen less as parasit es seeking t o exploit t heir own people, but rat her as int repid villains cast in t he mold of Robin Hood, whose aim w as t o deceive t he hat ed Turks t o supply t heir own people.41

engraved t oday in t he oral account s of a t hird generat ion, which proudly relat es t hese

42 Tanyos Shahin, t he head of t he revolt

of 1860, was a sort of folk hero.43 The Prot est ant missionary M alcom Kerr depreciat ingly

- associat ing him wit h t he social bandit

par excellence.44 Similarly, in colonial Berar, legendary bandit s and highwaymen like M it u

Bhukia who defied st at e aut horit y were worshipped as symbols of Banjara independence

and prot est .45

Int o t he Twent iet h Century: The M ulet eers as Pragmat ic Individuals

A bandit may accumulat e capit al. His redist ribut ions are oft en a price for refuge,

secure land and merge w it h a new bourgeoisie.46 This view has been t aken t o it s ext reme

47

prot ect ion. The bandit s t hat survive, t hen, are t hose who place t heir part icular int erest s

41 BRAND, Tylor.

Op. Cit ., p. 157- 8.

42 BRAND, Tylor.

Op. Cit.

43 FAWWAZ, Leila.

An Occasion f or War: Civil Conflict in Lebanon and Damascus in 1860. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Universit y of California Press, 1994. p. 45.

44 KERR, M alcolm.

Op. Cit ., 22.

45 SATYA, Laxman D.

Op. Cit ., 256.

46 HOBSBAWM , Eric J.

Bandit s, p. 95, 105, 118.

47 BLOK, Ant on.

The M af ia of a Sicilian Village: A St udy of Violent Peasant Ent repreneurs, 1860- 1960. Oxford:

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

ahead of everyt hing else.48 Effect ively, t he Lebanese mulet eers, small- t ime merchant s,

were well placed t o t ake advant age of t he t ransforming economy.49 Oral account s

document ing t he famine t he swept t hrough t he Lebanese mount ain during t he First World

War reveal t hat some mulet eers accumulat ed wealt h by smuggling, and ult imat ely

int egrat ed an emerging middle class. Because of his involvement in smuggling, t he family

of mulet eer Jammul M ahmud did not suffer from t he famine. The int erviewee who

report ed t his also conveyed t hat her mat ernal family, by cont rast t o t hat of her pat ernal

grandfat her Jammul M ahmud, suffered severe deprivat ion despit e her mat ernal

majlis al- . M ore import ant ly, we also

him t o amass enough capit al t o buy land.50

Wit h t ime, t he social st ruct ures t hat had support ed peasant resist ance changed.

Inevit ably, t he mulet eers, gauchos, and rickshaw pullers were displaced by railroads and

mot orcars. Yet all t hese charact ers figured in t he early t went iet h cent ury as prot agonist s

in novels. The lit erary genre of t he Arabic novel, in it self, was t he result of a t ension

, t he t radit ional

cult ure, on t he one hand, and on t he ot her, t he rediscovery and st imulat ion of t he great

classical herit age of Arab- 51 While t he new lit erary form reflect ed a desire

t o modernize, resort t o t he classical herit age or focus on t he t radit ional peasant ry could be

read as t he affirmat ion of an imagined ident it y in t he face of dissolut ion in a globalizing

world bot h on t he part of t he aut hor and his readers, all members of an emerging middle

class.52 This was t he case in ninet eent h- cent ury Argent ina. As int egrat ion int o t he global

market drew waves of immigrant s t o t he Rio de la Plat a, romant icist s resort ed t o t he

48

Idem. The Peasant and t he Brigand: Social Bandit ry Reconsidered. Comparat ive St udies in Societ y and Hist ory,14, 1972, p. 495 - 504.

49 SATYA, Laxman D.

Op. Cit ., p. 251.

50 BRAND, Tylor.

Op. Cit ., p.110, 124.

51 ALLEN, Roger.

The Arabic Novel: An Hist orical and Crit ical Int roduct ion. New York: Syracuse Universit y Press,

1995, p. 11- 2.

52 For a linking bet ween t he emergence of t he novel as a lit erary form and t he format ion of a middle class,

see: BENJAM IN, Walt er. The St oryt eller. In: HALE, Dorot hy J. (ed.). The Novel: An Ant hology of Crit icism and

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

figure of t he gaucho t o affirm a nat ional ident it y.53 Similarly, in China, writ ers and poet s

oft en feat ured rickshaw - men as cent ral charact ers so oft en t hat one can refer t o

life t o t he nat ure of capit alism.54 Wit hin t he confines of what was t he Ot t oman Empire,

t he bandit eering cat t le drovers known as t he Hajduks made it int o t he novels of Panait

Ist rat i;55 Anat olian bandit lore is perpet uat ed t o t his day in t he horseman M ehmed, t he

hero of Ya

ş

ar - selling novel, inspired by st ories Kemal heard from bandit s

seeking refuge in his village;56 and t he Lebanese mulet eer made an appearance in t he

novel of Ameen Rihani.

t he

57 The act ors involved in rural t ransport effect ively wit nessed first hand

t he dissolut ion of communit y. Their reappearance in t he burgeoning lit erary genre of t he

novel gives t heir st ory an epilogue, and t heir hist orian a sense of t he visceral angst t hat

accompanied t he crossover int o modern liberalism.

Theoret ical St akes: On t he Ot t oman Rural Cont ext Is it Capit alism?

As det ailed in t he first sect ion of t his art icle, during t he first six decades of t he

ninet eent h cent ury, a series of popular uprisings racked t he Lebanese count ryside. These

event s were init ially explained in t erms of religious int olerance t o t he modernizing

Ot t oman reforms, part icularly t o t he int roduct ion of t he cat egory of cit izenship, which

53 FERRERAS, Norbert o O. Bandoleiros, cangaceiros e mat reiros: revisão da hist oriografia sobre o Bandit ismo

Social na América Lat ina. Hist ória, 22, 2, 2003. Accessed online at ht t p://dx.doi.org/10.1590/S0101-90742003000200012 on August 1, 2016.

54 STRAND, David. Op. Cit ., p. 21, 23. 55 The Hungarian word hajt ók or hajdók

infant ry referred t o by t he Ot t omans as Hajduks, and t he word came t o signify t he out laws, brigands, and highwaymen romant icized in t he folkloric t radit ion of Sout heast ern Europe as freedom fight ers. See www.familyt reedna.com/public/hajdu, accessed on January 9, 2016.

56 BIRCH, Nicholas. Yaşar Kemal's Disappearing World of St ories.

The Guardian, November 28, 2008. Accessed online at ht t p://www.t heguardian.com/books/2008/nov/28/yasar- kemal, on January 9, 2016. The novel in quest ion is Ince M emed, or M emed, M y Haw k (1955), and t he same hero feat ured in subsequent novels by

t he same aut hor.

57 BENJAM IN, Walt er.

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

limit ed t he right of confessional minorit ies t o self - management .58 A nat ionalist

hist oriography lat er point ed t o t he manipulat ion of t he various confessional

denominat ions against each ot her by European or Ot t oman int erest s for t he sake of

geopolit ics suggest ing an ot herwise- homogeneous Lebanese societ y.59 Economic

development s and t he at t ending social t ransformat ion only moved cent er st age wit h t he

advent of Brit ish- st yle economic- hist ory and t he French Annales school t o Lebanese

hist oriography. Bot h approaches relied on macroeconomic analysis and quant it at ive dat a

t o highlight t hat ot her aspect of t he Ot t oman modernizing reforms: t he

incorporat ion int o t he global market , wit h t he at t ending t ransformat ions in land- t enure,

prices, and relat ions of product ion.60

Against t his background of st ruct ural economic t ransformat ion, some hist orians

resort ed t o t he cat egories of polit ical economy, drawing comparisons bet ween t he

Lebanese revolt of 1858 and t he German Bauernkrieg of 1525.61 However, t hey became

ent angled in t he debat es associat ed wit h t hat approach: could one speak of class when

t he peasant s were backing t he elit es on bot h sides of a confessional war? 62 Overall,

58 For inst ance, M AOZ, M oshe. Communal Conflict s in Ot t oman Syria during t he Reform Era: The Role of

Polit ical and Economic Fact ors. In: BRAUDE Benjamin; LEWIS, Bernard (eds.). Christ ians and Jew s in t he Ot t oman Empire: The Funct ioning of a Plural Societ y. New York: Holmes and M eier, 1982, p. 91- 105.

59 For example, NUJAIM , Bulos (M . Jouplain).

La Quest ion du Liban:

int ernat ional. Paris: Librairie Nouvelle de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1908.

60 CHEVALIER, Dominique. . Paris:

Universit y of Chicago Press, 1971; ____. Aux origines des t roubles agraires libanais. In: ISSAWI, Charles (ed.). The Economic Hist ory of t he M iddle East; OWEN, Roger. The Silk- Reeling Indust ry of M ount Lebanon, 1840- 1914: A St udy of t he Possibilit ies and Limit at ions of Fact ory Product ion in t he Periphery. In: ISLAM OGLU- INAN, Huri (ed.). The Ot t oman Empire and t he World Economy. New York: Cambridge Universit y Press, 2004, p. 270- 3; WEULERSSE, Jacques. Paysans de la Syrie et du Proche Orient. Paris: Gallimard, 1946.

Bloch.

61 BAER, Gabriel.

Fellah and Tow nsman in t he M iddle East : St udies in Social Hist ory. New York: Frank Cass and Company Limit ed, 1982, p. 272, 278.

62 Compare SM ILIANSKAYA, I. M . The Disint egrat ion of Feudal Relat ions in Syria and Lebanon in t he M iddle of

re- t it led , in: ISSAWI,

Charles (ed.). The Economic Hist ory of t he M iddle East; and BUHEIRI, M arw an. Op. Cit., part icularly p. 291. Relat ed t o t his debat e is t he quest ion of whet her t he syst em of land holding in t he Lebanese mount ain can be referred t o as feudal. Placing t he local landholding syst em of somewhere in bet ween Ot t oman

ilt izam and t hirt eent h- cent ury European feudalism, some hist orians of Lebanon claimed a special st at us for

t he region wit hin t he Ot t

-lit erat ure, however, shows t hat Lebanon unt il t he eight eent h cent ury w as more similar t o t he rest of t he empire, t he assumpt ion of difference act ually relying on a t eleological account const ruct ed wit h t he lat er ninet eent h- cent ury cont ext in mind. See AKARLI, Engin Deniz. Op. Cit ., p. 27 n. 50. This debat e is

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

economic and confessional ident it ies did not map ont o each ot her. This is generally t rue of

63 In line wit h

t his t endency, a more recent Lebanese hist oriography abandoned t he cat egories of

polit ical economy in favor of discourse analysis. The event s of 1858 are t hus explained by

Ussama M akdisi as popular religious mobilizat ion against a rigid nonsect arian social

nowledge over ignorance. In t his view, t he

mobilizat ion reflect s a subalt ern underst anding of Ot t oman modernizat ion.64

Cult ure and ideology have an abiding role in shaping hist ory; however, t he ef fort t o

avoid economic reduct ionism oft en ends up paying t oo lit t le at t ent ion t o mat erial

condit ions. The approach proposed in t his art icle weds t he cult uralist and mat erialist

st ances by showing how t he mulet eers milit ancy was t ied t o t he mat erial condit ions of

t heir t rade. Being engaged in t ransport bet ween village and t own, mulet eers spoke t o

people from all walks of life. They were well informed and exposed t o t he ideas of a wider

world. Perpet ual wit nesses joined t hrough t heir work t o t he pulse of t he rural economy,

t hey had a privileged perspect ive of societ y at large. In addit ion, t heir independence from a

landlord, t heir ownership of t heir means of product ion, and t heir organic connect ion t o

peasant societ y made t hem plausible spokesmen. For all t hese reasons, t hey were

st rat egically well placed t o circulat e ideas and even mobilize for act ion. Rat her t han work

wit h an exact ing definit ion of class, reducing t he scale of analysis t o a hist ory of t he

mulet eer sheds light on t he ment alit ies t hat led people t o see cert ain uses of land, price

movement s, or market arrangement s as just or unjust . It brings out logic behind t he lines

of social solidarit y t hat cannot be apprehended only in light of confessional loyalt ies or

solely in t erms of class analysis.65

63 CHAKRABARTY, Dipesh.

Provincializing Europe: Post colonial Thought and Hist orical Difference. Princet on: Princet on Universit y Press, 2007, p. 48; ____. Subalt ern St udies and Post colonial Hist oriography. Neplant a:

Views from t he Sout h, 1, 2000, p. 26.

64 M AKDISI, Ussama.

Op. Cit ., p. 181- 3.

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory Theoret ical St akes: W hat is Capit alism? A Perspect ive f rom t he Ot t oman Count ryside.

The perpet uat ion of t he hierarchies and cult ure of t he ancien régime in t he global

Sout h cont rast ed

fundament ally wit h t he rising import ance of modern cit izenship and secular polit ics in t he

West .66

world.67 In pushback, a global hist ory approach insist s t hat et hnic, religious, and communal

discourses might very well be perpet uat ed by t he dynamics of capit alism, as long as t hey

, resources, and market s. In t his view, w hat is

common across t he various cont ext s and an import ant charact erist ic of capit alism is a

st rengt hening of t he st at e. Capit alism required t he mobilizat ion of resources on a new

scale. Capit alist s in West ern Europe creat ed powerful st at es t hat expanded t heir market s

and lent t hem support in t heir vent ures abroad. Elit es in t he periphery soon followed,

building st at es t hat would defend t heir market s and support t hem in t hat compet it ion.68

In t his cont ext , t he Crimean War of 1850s is one of a series of wars t hat

inaugurat e a period of milit ary compet it ion on an unprecedent ed scale bet ween st at es of a

new kind.69 To cover t his expendit ure and repay it s foreign debt , t he Ot t oman government

invest ed in infrast ruct ure t hat reached deep int o t he count ryside, t ight ened fiscal cont rol,

and creat ed monopolies on t obacco, salt , and ot her commodit ies. When European

financiers came t o cont rol Ot t oman st at e revenues t hrough t he Public Debt Administ rat ion

in t he 1880s, cent ralizat ion only int ensified, and more so wit h t he nat ionalist revolut ion of

1908. Throughout t hese event s, local elit es at varying levels adopt ed different discourses

for t he purpose of popular mobilizat ion in t he face of more dist ant capit alist s be t hey in

. This framework could at once explain

66 Hegemony is defined as reliance on consent rat her t han coercion. See GUHA, Ranajit .

Dominance Wit hout Hegemony: Hist ory and Power in Colonial India. Cambridge and London: Harvard Universit y Press, 1998 ; ____. On Some Aspect s of t he Hist oriography of Colonial India. In: _____. Ed. Subalt ern St udies I: Writ ings on Sout h Asian Hist ory & Societ y. Delhi: Oxford Universit y Press, 1982, p. 43.

67 CHAKRABARTY, Dipesh. Subalt ern St udies and Post colonial Hist oriography, 15, 20; CHATTERJEE, Part ha. The

Nat ion and it s Peasant s. In: _____ (ed.) The Nat ion and it s Fragment s: Colonial and Post colonial Hist ories. Princet on: Princet on Universit y Press, 1993, p. 165.

68 BECKERT, Sven.

Op. Cit ., p. xv, 313- 6, 396; CHIBBER, Vivek. Post colonial Theory and t he Spect er of Capit al.

London, New York: Verso, 2013, p. 24- 6; 78- 9; M AIER, Charles. Leviat han 2.0: Invent ing M odern St at ehood.

Cambridge and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard Universit y Press, 2012.

69 M AIER, Charles.

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

Lebanese or Arab nat ionalisms as well as Pan- Islamism.70 It could equally explain more

parochial and regional confessional t ensions as const it uent s of a hist ory of capit alism.

Nonet heless, because it is t old from t he perspective of t he elit e, t his account remains

divorced from subalt ern polit ical psychology. It does not address what Guha refers t o as

71

A hist ory of rural transport workers is niched in t his gap: it is a descript ion of t he

dynamics of capit alism as perceived by t he subalt ern. Legal innovat ions such as land

reforms, and t echnological improvement s such as railroads, t he hallmarks of t he capit alist

t ransit ion, are most oft en t hought of as processes t hat make market s. Paving t he way for

direct t axat ion and commercial credit , t hey open t he count ryside t o global capit al and t ie

it int o t he global market . What t his pict ure leaves out is t he local economy t hat comes

undone when resources in t he periphery are divert ed for t he benefit of global capit al.

Necessarily, t he act ors working in rural t ransport felt first hand t he local pet t y- t rade

net works coming undone. Rural societ ies expressed t heir opposit ion by part icipat ing in, or

at least acquiescing t o, smuggling. By smuggling, t hese mulet eers worked t o preserve a

local economy weakened by st at e policies and t he barriers t o ent ry inherent in t he new

scales of product ion and market ing. They also fought against a new precariousness t hat

arose when t he diversit y of art icles of

unavailable. For t his reason, t hese mulet eers t urned smugglers were considered men of

wort h in t he peasant communit y local Robin Hoods, so t o speak, in line wit h t he social

bandit s t hat Hobsbawm f ound in all t radit ional rural societ ies resist ing t he incursion of t he

st at e int o t he count ryside.72

Conclusion

Where a global hist ory of capit alism may pass over parochial polit ical psychology,

and while a post colonial hist ory privileges local cult ure in t he confines of the fragment ,

70 In t heir compet it ion again

] ,

Sven. Op. Cit ., p. 417- 8.

71 GUHA, Ranajit . On Some Aspect s of t he Hist oriography of Colonial India, p. 39- 42. 72 HOBSBAWM , Eric J.

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

t he mulet eers st ory holds bot h part icularit y and resonance. The part icularit y gives t he

reader a sense of t he palpable life behind t he hist ory; t he resonance makes t he hist ory

relevant t o a wider t heoret ical cont ext .

t o t he mat erial condit ions of his t rade and t o his economic relat ionships, t his hist orical

narrat ive links t he cult ural norms t hat shape agency t o object ive st ruct ural t ransformat ion

t hat can be compared across cont ext s. The Lebanese mulet eers engaging in bandit ry and

organizing revolt have an echo in t he horseman and mule driver Emiliano Zapat a. They

have an echo in t he Balkan confines of t he Ot t oman Empire in t he Hajduks; and t hey have

an echo in t he horseman M ehmed, t he hero of Ya

ş

novels. Furt her away, in

Indian Berar, t he Banjara ox- cart drivers engaged in smuggling were hailed by t he

peasant ry as social bandit s; and in China, t he rickshaw pullers t ook t he leading role in

mobilizing for revolt .73 The t ransit ion t o capit alism unfolded very different ly in all t hese

cont ext s. Land reform in Indian Berar, for instance, meant a swift equalizat ion and

homogenizat ion in land t enure, and a brut al t ransfer of power from local elit es t o t he

colonial government .74 In t he Ot t oman Empire, t he reforms int ended t o unify pract ice were

negot iat ed at t he level of t he dist rict and in every village bet ween represent at ives of t he

cent ral administ rat ion, a regional elit e, and act ors in product ive syst ems on t he ground,

who shaped different out comes in different local polit ical economies.75 In some areas,

peasant s became small landowners. In ot hers, t hey t urned int o t enant s t o t ribal leaders

and t ownsmen on lands t hey had formerly cultivat ed for t heir own.76 Despit e t hese

differences in t he est ablishment of a wide variet y of propert y- right regimes, t he repert oire

of act ions developed by peasant societ ies at t his hist orical junct ure remains very similar.

The implicat ion is t hat despit e t he differences in t he t ransit ion t o capit alism, t his moment

of hist ory can st ill be apprehended in t erms of a unique dynamic operat ing on a global

scale economic pressures, which t hese agent s, by t he nat ure of t heir t rade, perceived and

act ed on ahead of ot hers.

73 SATYA, Laxman D.

Op. Cit ., p. 253, 256, 271. STRAND, David. Op. Cit ., p. 21, 23.

74 SATYA, Laxman D.

Op. Cit ., p. 55- 63, 84- 5.

75 M UNDI, M art ha; SAUM AREZ Richard.

Op. Cit ., p. 3, 7.

76 FIRRO, Kais. Silk and Agrarian Changes in Lebanon, 1860- 1914.

Int ernat ional Journal of M iddle East St udies

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Almanack. Guarulhos, n.14, p.27- 51 dossiê scales of global hist ory

A hist ory of t he mulet eers brings mat erial condit ions back in wit hout , however,

denying t he principal role of cult ure in shaping agency. A journey int o t he everyday world

of t hese nameless individuals can focus t he complex int ersect ions bet ween t he polit

ical-cult ural hist ory of confessional ident it ies and t he socio- economic t ransformat ions

at t ending int egrat ion int o t he global market . It st rives t owards t he hist ory E. P. Thompson

77 And from t his vant age point , social and

cult ural hist ory on a small scale can cross over int o global hist ory.

Dat a de recebiment o do art igo: 26/08/2016

Data de aprovação do artigo: 23/10/2016

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ş

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