Programs in Latin America
*Alain de Janvry and Elisabeth Sadoulet1
*TrabalhoapresentadopeloProfessorAlaindeJanvrynoXLIICongressoBrasileirode EconomiaeSociologiaRural,Cuiabá,MT,em25/07/2005.
1UniversityofCaliforniaatBerkeley
I.Slippagebetweeninstitutionsandobjectiveconditionsfor
ruraldevelopment
Inaworldofrapidlychangingeconomicopportunities,institutions frequentlylagrelativetotheobjectiveconditionsoverwhichtheyapply, creatingdysfunctionalitiesthatcanhavehighsocialcosts.TheIndian castesystemisaclassicalexampleofsuchinstitutionalslippagebetween divisionoflaborandsocialclasspositions,withnotonlyhighwelfare costsformembersoflowercastesbutalsohighoverallefficiencycosts. Such dysfunctionalities can also characterize policies and programs. Approaches to rural development pursued by national governments andinternationaldevelopmentagenciestendtobeamongthem.Most ruraldevelopmentprogramscurrentlyinplacehavenotadjustedtothe newrealitiesofthecontextwheretheyapply.
and social opposition to change by losers when there is no credible commitment device to guarantee that they will be compensated by gainers,eventhoughnetsocialgainswillberealized.
Programsaddressingruralpovertytendtosufferfromthisdefect.This canbeforseveralofthecausesofdysfunctionalitiesmentionedabove. Mostbenign,butfirstinneedtobeovercome,isimperfectinformation: rapidchangesinthequalitativenatureofpovertymayremainunnoticed. Withimperfectinformation,programsareperpetuatedbasedonconcepts of poverty that no longer correspond to reality. In addition, program adjustmentsarecostlyduetohighsunkencostsintheoldapproach, postponinginvestmentinalternativedesignsthatrequirenewexpertise and new administrative set-ups. Dysfunctionalities in rural poverty reductionprogramspursuedbynationalgovernmentsandinternational developmentagenciesarevisiblethroughthefollowingtypicalaspects oftheseinitiatives:
Theytendtodissociatesocialfromproductiveinvestments,andhave beenmoresuccessfulwiththeformerthanwiththelatterinbenefiting theruralpoor.
They have given extensive support to local development through municipal decentralization and community-driven development (CDD)programswhichhaveproventobeeffectiveforinvestmentsin localpublicgoods(mainlysmallscaleinfrastructureandbasicsocial services),butareweakforthegenerationofnewincomeopportunities, andhenceforpovertyreduction.2
They mainly focus on agriculture as an approach to rural poverty reductionandareadministeredsectorallyforsupporttoproductive investments.Fewprojectsareinsupportoflocaleconomicdevelopment with an integral focus on all activities that enter in the sources of incomeoftheregionanditspeople.
They focus more on increasing the asset endowments of the poor (which is a necessary condition for escaping poverty), than in improvingtheopportunitiesthepoorhaveinusingtheassetsthey
2
control to move out of poverty. Emphasis has thus been given to assetswithinsufficientconcernforthequalityofthecontextwhere theassetsareused.
Theresulthasbeenageneralimprovementinthesocialconditionsof thepoor(particularlyhealth,education,nutrition,housing,infrastructure, andoldagepensions),butsteadyreproductionofpoverty,inequality, andvulnerabilityinruralLatinAmerica.Migrationhasbeenthegreat escapevalvefromruralpoverty,asopposedtorisingruralincomes.This isbecause,whilethedeterminantsofpovertyhavechanged,andthe setofopportunitiestoescapepovertyhavealsobeenredefined,rural developmentprogramsandpoliciesstillbasicallyfollowanapproach thatnolongerfitsthefacts.Thisistrueforthedeterminantsofincome morethanforsocialdevelopment.Asaconsequence,therehasbeen moreprogressinthelatterthanintheformer.
Weargueinthispaperthatthequalitativenatureofruralpovertyhas changedmarkedlyinthelastdecade,andthatthesetofopportunitiesin redefiningapproachestoruraldevelopmenthasalsobeentransformed. Whilethishasbeendiscussedbyanumberofexpertsinthefield,a completeinterpretationofthisphenomenonseemstobestilllacking. Remarkablenewideasandexperimentsexistpiecemeal,buttheyhave notbeenincorporatedintheapproachestoraisingruralincomespursued bygovernmentsandinternationaldevelopmentagenciesatasufficient scaletomakeadifference.Perhapsfaultlieswithsocialscientistswho have not made the case sufficiently clearly about (1) recent changes inthequalitativenatureofpoverty,(2)existenceofnewopportunities toaddressruralpoverty,and(3)designof,experimentationwith,and impactanalysisofnewapproachestoruraldevelopmentthat“fitthe facts”and“capitalizeonnewopportunities”.
isillustratedusingavailablecasestudiesofnewapproachestoregional andruraldevelopment.
Theapproachwesuggesttoreconcileruraldevelopmentprograms withfactsandopportunitiesbuildsuponanumberofrecentcontribu-tionstotheanalysisofaterritorialapproachtoruraldevelopment,that articulatesruralandurbangrowthdynamicsintoanintegralregional approach,complementedbyastrategytoincorporatetheruralpoorto theopportunitiescreatedbyregionalgrowth.Someofthemainarchi-tectsoftheapproachonwhoseworkwedrawareAlejandroSchejtman and Julio Berdegué (2003), Ricardo Abramovay (1999, 2003), Ruben Echeverria(2004),Llorens,Albuquerque,anddelCastillo(2002),and RafaelEcheverri(2000).
II. Quantitative evolution of rural poverty
Therearefivesetsofindicatorsthatgiveusthebasisfordiscontentwith current approaches to rural development. We evidence each of them brieflywithavailabledata.
1. The incidence of rural poverty has generally not declined and the number of rural poor has increased.
Thequalityofpovertymeasurementsremainsdeplorable.Becauseof this,availableevidenceisincompleteandoftencontradictory.Overall, available evidence basically shows a flat profile in the incidence of ruralpovertybetween1970and2000.ForLatinAmericaasawhole, theincidenceofextremepovertyhasremained28%overthelast30 years.InMexico,theincidenceofruralpovertyhasremainedinthe45 to50%rangesince1970.InBrazil,CEPALdatasuggestadeclineinthe incidenceofpovertybetween1986and1996,whileWorldBankdata shownodecline(Wodon,2000).Withstagnantpovertyincidence,the numberofruralpoorhasincreased.
2. Rural inequality is exceptionally high and increasing
WhatisalsospecifictoLatinAmericaisthatlocalinequalitiestendto beashighasnationalinequalities.Thisisseeninpovertymapsthat decomposetotalinequalityintowithinandbetweenlocalityeffects.For ruralcommunitiesinEcuador,86%oftotalinequalityisexplainedby within-community(parroquias)inequalityandonly14%bybetween community inequality (Elbers, Lanjouw, Mistiaen, Özler, and Simler, 2004).Inequalityisthusapervasivefeaturethatispresentevenatthe locallevel.Highlocalinequalitiesimplythatlocalgrowthwillhavelittle valueforpovertyreduction.Whatfurtheristhatruralinequalityhas beenincreasing,evenwhenitmaybedecreasingintheurbansector. Tobeeffective,anypovertyreductionstrategyatthelocallevelmust consequentlyaddresstheissueofinequality,andidentifythemecha-nismsthroughwhichlocalinequalitiesarebeingreproducedoverthe longterm.Linkinganti-povertystrategiestoinequalityreductionputs ruraldevelopmentinitiativesinanewperspective,differentfromtradi-tionalapproachestoruraldevelopmentthathavebeenconcernedwith theincomesofthepoor.
WiththeexceptionofColombiaandCentralAmerica,risinginequal-ities have been the norm in all other countries. In Mexico, the rural Ginirosefrom0.46in1992-94to0.51in2000-02whiletheurbanGini fellfrom0.50to0.47overthesameperiod.Thereisalsoevidencethat inequalitiestendtorisesharplyduringrecessions,andmayfailtofall during periods of recovery (de Janvry and Sadoulet, 2000). Concern withinequalityshouldthuspayparticularattentiontoshelteringnot only the poor but also the middle class during periods of economic downturn.Intheseperiods,the“newpoor”tendtocomefromthese sectors,contributingtorisinginequalities.Combatingruralpovertythus requiresconcernwithtwocomplementaryfronts:combatingeconomic instabilityandcombatinginequality.
3. Social development has improved, even though gaps between rural and urban social development remain large
reduction,itisontargettomeetthegoalsinprimaryschoolenrollment andchildmortality.InMexico,therehasbeenarapidriseinsecondary andhighereducation,eventhoughlevelsremainverylow,risingfrom 11.5%in1992to21.3%in2002.InColombia,illiteracyrateshavebeen halvedbetween1978and1999andschoolenrollmenthasincreasedby 37%inprimaryschooland52%insecondaryschool.Healthindicators haveallimproved.InHonduras,between1980and1997,vaccination rateshaveincreasedby90%,birthsinhospitalsby43%,andpopulation withaccesstowaterandsanitationby60%.
Accesstobasicinfrastructureserviceshasalsoimproved.InMexico, poorhouseholdswithaccesstoelectricityincreasedfrom88%to98% between1992and2002.Foraccesstowaterservices,gainswerefrom65 to86%,forhardfloorsfrom79to91%,andforsewagefrom53to69%. Whileruralstandardsremaininferiortourbanstandardsanduneven acrossruralregions,catchinguphasbeenremarkable.
Asymmetry between income gains, with rural poverty remaining “broadanddeep”,andsocialdevelopmentthathasprogressedisthusa hallmarkofLatinAmericanruraldevelopment.Thechallengeforrural developmentisthustoachievegainsinincometokeepatparwiththe gainsachievedinsocialdevelopment.
4. Urban migration has been the great escape valve in preventing a larger increase in rural poverty. Poverty has been displaced toward the urban environment
implytheneedforfallingemployment),whilereducingtheincidence ofpovertyamongruralpopulations.
III. Qualitative changes in rural poverty
Therearedeepchangesinthequalitativenatureofruralpoverty. Mostimportantfortheredesignofruraldevelopmentarethefollowing eight:
1. There is increasing differentiation between two locations for rural poverty: MRA (marginal rural areas) and FRA (favorable rural areas)
Partoftheruralpoorisgeographicallyconcentratedinlowpopulation densityMRA(marginalruralareas)definedasareaswitheitherpoor agro-ecologicalendowmentand/orisolatedfromaccesstomarketsand employmentcenters.Theyconsistin:
Geographical pockets of poverty: Mexico’s Southern States, Brazil Northeast,CentralAmerica’sEastCoastregions,andhighaltitudes intheAltiplano.
Indigenous territories: Indigenous communities attached to their homelandsintheAltiplanoandtheEastCoastofCentralAmerica. Thesegeographicallyconcentratedpoorarelargelynotbenefitedby
nationaleconomicgrowth.
TheotherpartoftheruralpoorissociallydiffusedinFRA(favorable ruralareas)definedasareaswithgoodagro-ecologiesandgoodconnec-tionstodynamicproductand/orlabormarkets.Theyconsistin:
Individualswithlowassetendowments,especiallyland,education, andsocialcapital.
Individuals with asset endowments, but lacking opportunities to valorizetheseassetsintheterritorieswheretheyarelocated(lackof regionaldynamics).
Work with GIS information and poverty mapping is important to establishthisterritorialdimensionofruraldevelopment.InNicaragua,for instance,halfoftheextremepoorliveinthequarterofthecountrythat iswithinfourhourstraveltimetoManagua(Raineetal.,2004).Inthese regions,whicharewellendowedagro-ecologicallyandwellconnected tomarketsandemploymentcenters,povertyissociallydiffused.Even though they offer the greatest employment and investment opportu-nities,poorhouseholdsarethosewithlowassetendowments(especially education,land,andsocialcapital)andconsequentlylowcapacitytotake advantageoftheseopportunities.TherestofruralpovertyinNicaragua isconcentratedinMRAswithunfavorableagro-ecologicalendowments, lack of access to markets and employment centers, and frequently composedofindigenouscommunitiesinancestralterritories.
2. There are major changes in the structure of employment and sourc es of income for rural populations
Relianceonnon-agriculturalemploymentandincomefortherural populationhasbeenincreasingrapidlyandisofgreatimportance.
2.1. Changes in employment patterns
Farmemploymenthasdeclinedinmostcountries,especiallyitsself-employmentcomponent.Therehasbycontrastbeenarapidriseinthe shareofruralpopulationemployedinnon-agriculturalwagelaborand non-agriculturalself-employment.Formen,Durstonetal.(2000)give thefollowingchangesinpercentageemployedinnon-farmactivities:
Chile 19% (1990) 26% (1998)
Colombia 31% (1991) 33% (1997)
CostaRica 48% (1990) 57% (1997)
Honduras 19% (1990) 22% (1998)
Mexico 35% (1989) 45% (1996)
Panama 25% (1989) 47% (1998)
Venezuela 34% (1990) 35% (1994)
WiththeexceptionofBrazil,thesefiguresshowthatemployment innon-farmactivitiesoftheruralemployedpopulationhasbeenrising rapidly. For Brazil, other sources show a clear increase in rural non-farmemployment.Between1981and1997,ruralnon-farmemployment increased by 95% in the Northeast, 51% in Sao Paulo, 52% in the Southeast,69%intheSouth,and100%inthecenter-West.
2.2. Changes in sources of income
Corresponding to changes in employment patterns, there have been rapid changes in sources of income, with addition of a rapid rise in transfers, particularly remittances from migrants. For Mexico (WorldBank-Mexico,2004),changesinsourcesofincomefortherural populationhavebeenasfollowsbetween1992and2002:
Independentfarming 39% 13%
Agriculturewagelabor 12% 11%
Non-agriculturalemployment: 29% 42%
Publicandprivatetransfers,includingremittances 7% 17%
Othersources 13% 17%
Lesspoorruralhouseholdstendtoberelativelylessdependenton agriculture than poorer households, especially on agricultural wages, andmoredependentonnon-agriculturalsourcesofincome.
3. There are important demographic changes in the rural labor force, including ethnicization, feminization, and aging.
Aging:InMexico,theshareoftherurallaborforcemorethan41years increasedfrom32%in1992to41%in2002.Accesstolandforyoung adults is made increasingly difficult by this process of aging, with limitedlandrentalmarkets(Dirven,2001).
risingparticipationofwomenisduetoselectivemalemigration,to strongexpansionoflaborintensivenon-traditionalexports,andtoa fertilitydeclinethatfreeswomenforparticipationinthelabormarket. Womensufferfromlowerwagesonlabormarketsanddisadvantages inaccesstolandthroughinheritanceandlandreformprograms(Deere andLeon,2002).Theirparticipationtonon-agriculturalemployment isdisproportionatelyinlowproductivityself-employment.
Ethnicizationoftheruralpopulation:Selectivemigration,withindig-enous population attached to ancestral territories, leads to a rising shareofindigenouspeopleintheruralpopulation.
4. Inequalities are high and rising due to pervasive
mechanisms of local reproduction of social inequalities in spite of growth, worsened by income shocks
Localinequalitieshaveprovedtobehighlyresilienttotimeandto recenteconomicandsocialtransformations(deFerrantietal.,2004). Identificationofthemechanismsthroughwhichlocalinequalitiesare reproducedisthusimportant.Whataresomeofthesemechanisms?
Under-investmentbythepoorintheeducationandhealthoftheir children is a powerful mechanism through which inequality is being reproduced.Breakingthispatternofinheritanceisthemainmotivation forconditionalcashtransfer(CCT)programssuchasProgresainMexico andBolsaEscolainBrazil.Byimposingschoolattendanceandhealth visitsasconditionsforthetransfers,CCTprogramstransformthetransfer fromanincomeintoapriceeffect,gaininginimpactonschoolingand healthperunitoftransfer.InMexico,Progresaerasesthedifferencein schoolachievementsbetweenpoorandnon-poorinruralcommunities, helpingbreaktheinter-generationalinheritanceofloweducationand illhealth.
result,landisoverpricedforpoorborrowers,andonlythewealthycan affordthefullpriceofland.Creditmarketsaresimilarlywealthbiased duetocollateralrequirementstofaceuptoasymmetricalinformation betweenlendersandborrowers.Asaconsequence,shortoffinancial institutionsthatsubstitutesocialcollateralforwealthinborrowing,the poortendtobeshutoutoffinancialmarkets,reproducinginequalities. Micro-financeinstitutionshavemadeimportantheadwaysinbreaking this deadlock, but have to this stage not been effective in reaching smallfarmers.
Land rental markets are atrophied and socially segmented due to uncertainpropertyrightsandweakenforcementofrights.Theconse-quenceisthatlandtendstocirculatewithincirclesofconfidencedefined bykinshipandclasspositions(Macours,deJanvry,andSadoulet,2004). Poorborrowerstendtobeexcludedfromaccesstolandputupforrental bylargeowners,reproducinglocalinequalities.
Finally,thereproductionofsocialinequalitiesisimportantlyachieved throughlocalpoliticaleconomyprocesses(Finan,2004).Classpositions stronglyaffectchoicesintheallocationofpublicbudgets.Clientelism andhighlocalinequalitiesreproducesocialexclusionandtheoverall regressivityofpublicexpenditureprograms.
Weconcludethisreviewofquantitativechangesinpovertyandsocial developmentbyobservingthatgainsinsocialdevelopmenthavenotbeen matchedbygainsinproductivedevelopment.Therehasbeenprogressin socialindicators,butlittleprogressinincomestatus.Aggregategrowth haseitherbeeninsufficient,orhasbeenofatypeunabletoreducepoverty inruralareas.Newapproachestoruraldevelopmentneedaddressthis lagbetweenincomeandsocialprogress.
IV. Emergence of new opportunities
1. Globalization and international market integration have led to:
1.1. A serious profitability crisis for small holders in traditional agriculture
Thisprofitabilitycrisisinstaplefoodcropsisduetofallinginter-national prices (OECD protectionism), worsening domestic terms of trade(greaterprotectionofindustrythanagriculture),lowproductivity growth in smallholder agriculture relative to the price decline, and sometimes declining yields due to environmental degradation (e.g., Bolivia). Government subsidies often protect the commercial sector (e.g.,producersupportperunitofgrossfarmoutputinMexicoisequal to20%,thesameasintheUS(TheEconomist,2004)).However,these subsidies(suchasAlianzaParaelCampo)hardlyreachsmallfarmerslike ejidatarios.InMexico,therealpriceofcropsproducedbysmallfarmers fellby–4.8%/yearbetween1988and2002(NationalAccounts).
Anindictoroftheprofitabilitycrisisinagriculture,compoundedby laborsavingtechnologicalchange,isthefallinrealwagesinagriculture.In Mexico,realwagesinagriculturefellattheannualrateof3.9%between 1988and2001(NationalAccounts).InBrazil,realwagesforpermanent agriculturalworkersinagriculturedeclinedby40%between1977and 1997.Fortemporaryworkersinagriculture,thedeclinewas33%(FGV-EstatisticasAgricolas).
1.2. Opportunities offered by the “new agriculture”
indicatingthattheopportunitiesofferedbythenewagriculture,asan escapefromtheprofitabilitycrisisintraditionalagriculture,canindeed be seized by small farmers. Capturing these opportunities requires, however, strong institutional support to achieve competitiveness and scaleindelivery,whichisnoteasytoachieveforsmallholders.
1.3. The industrialization of many rural areas
Therehasbeenanextraordinarilyrapidincreaseintheimportanceof non-agriculturalemploymentandincomesforruralareas.Dirven(2004) estimates that 39% of the rural labor force is currently employed in non-agriculturalactivities,ofwhich2%areinmining,21%inmanufac-turing,and77%inservices(25%intrade,hotels,andrestaurants;11% inconstruction).Demandforservicescanbedrivenbyincomesfrom agriculture,orfrommanufacturingandtourism.Manufacturingisalso linkedtoagricultureortodecentralizedindustrialactivities.Notallnon-agriculturalactivitiesofferpathwaysfrompoverty.Self-employmentand informalsectoremploymentareoftenlowproductivityactivitiesthathelp survival,andcontributeimportantsafetynets(additionaltosubsistence agricultureandagriculturalwageemployment),butwithremunerations that perpetuate poverty. These are sectors where women and ethnic populations tend to be over-represented. Access to high productivity non-agriculturalemploymentisfundamentallydependentonlocation, education,andyoungerage(Reardon,Berdegué,andEscobar,2001).
1. Rural areas are increasingly integrated economically with urban areas. Increasingintegrationbetweenruralandurbanmarketsisreflectedin convergencebetweenruralandurbanwages.InMexico,therural/urban wageratiorosefrom28%in1992to40%in2002(WorldBank-Mexico, 2004).Thiswageconvergence,thatbenefitsmoretheeducatedandthe higherincomeareas,hasbeenanimportantfactorintheobservedrising inequalityduringtheperiod.
employmentclusters.Growthofemploymentinservicesismoreauton-omousfromdistancetoemploymentclustersastheyalsorespondto agriculturalpotentialandtotheexpenditureofremittancesincomesin themunicipality(Araujo,deJanvry,andSadoulet,2004).Halfofthe ruralandsemi-urbanmunicipalitiesinMexicobenefitfromthisproximity effectformanufacturingemployment,and70%forservices.Bringing ruralareas“closer”tourbanemploymentcentersisthusakeysource ofgrowthinruralnon-agriculturalemployment.
Figure1.Annualrateofemploymentgrowthinmanufacturing
andservicesinruralandsemi-urbanmunicipalitiesbydistancetoanemployment centerinMexico,1990-2000
AscanbeseeninFigure2,employmentinmanufacturingandservices inruralareasisinturnassociatedwithlowerpovertyasmeasuredbythe municipalmarginalityindex.Theseempiricalregularitiessuggestthat ajointrural-urbanterritorialapproachtopovertyreductionthatbrings ruralareas“closer”tourbanemploymentcentersoffersopportunities foranewapproachtoruraldevelopment.
Figure2.Ruralnon-farmemploymentandpovertylevelsinruralandsemi-urban municipalities,Mexico2000
(Eachpointrepresents10municipalities.Source:Araujo,deJanvry,andSadoulet,2004)
2. There has been much progress toward decentralization of governance at the municipal level
substitutionusedthroughoutLatinAmericafromthe1950stothemid-1980s,economicdevelopmenthastypicallybeenhighlycentralizedina fewmega-citiesandasectoroflargeenterprises,leavingentireregions andproductivesectorsatthemarginofthedevelopmentdynamics.In thewakeoflimitedsuccessofstructuraladjustmentpolicieswithlocal economicandsocialdevelopment,strongdemandsforchangesinthis developmentpatternhaveemerged.Localelectedofficialsandlocalrepre-sentativesofcivilandprivatesectororganizationsaredemandinggreater rolesforlocalgovernmentsinnotonlysocialbutalsoeconomicaffairs. This has led to extensive decentralization in most countries of Latin Americatowardstatesandmunicipalities.Localsocialdevelopmenthas generallybenefited,buteconomicgainsinemploymentandinvestment opportunitieshavelaggedrelativetosocialdevelopment.Theregional levelofdecentralizationisstillgenerallymissinginthisprocess.
MostLatinAmericancountrieshaveincreasedrevenuesharingwith municipalities (Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Chile, Bolivia, Guatemala) orwithprovinces(Argentina)andstates(Venezuela).Inmanycases, responsibilityforprimaryeducation,health,watersupply,localinfra- structure,andsecurityhavebeentransferredtomunicipalities.Decen-tralizationhas,however,beenmostlyincompleteinthathishasrarely beenaccompaniedbyfiscaldecentralizationandfinancial(borrowing) capacityformunicipalities.
InColombia,directelectionofmayorsandtransfersofrevenuesand responsibilities(oversightofhealthcare,water,localroads,andprimary education)tomunicipalitieswereintroducedstartingin1983.Thisledto sharpimprovementsineducationalandhealthcoverage,withadecline inilliteracyandwithhealthservicescoveragerisingfrom35%in1990to 63%in2001.Localtaxrevenueshavealsoincreased.Again,gainswere mainlyachievedinbasicsocialservicesandsmall-scaleinfrastructure.
ResultsfromtheBolivianandColombianexperiencesareimportantin showingboththepotentialgainsfromdecentralizationatthemunicipal levelinachievinggreaterefficiencyinbasicsocialservicesandsmall-scaleinfrastructure,andalsothelimitsofdecentralizationinsupportive investmentsforemploymentcreationandincomegains.Forthis,larger geographicalunitswouldbeneeded,bringinguptheconceptofregion insupportofeconomicprojects.
3. There has been much progress with local social capital formation, particularly the expansion civil society organizations
Civilsocietyorganizations(CSOs)haveincreasedrapidly,leading toa“thickeningofcivilsociety”(Fox,1996).Thishasbeenparticularly remarkable in countries where the weight of state intervention had historicallylimitedtheroleofCSOs(Mexico,Brazil),whereindigenous movementshavegainedpoliticalrepresentation(Ecuador,Bolivia),and wheredecentralizationofgovernancehascreatedincentivesforgreater local participation (Bolivia, Peru). Introduction of local development councils(Brazil,Mexico,Uruguay)andopentownmeetings(ElSalvador, Honduras)withparticipationofCSOshasalsobeenastrongincentive toreinforcetheseorganizations.Demandsforgreaterlocallevelpartici-pationhavebeenextendedtothenationallevelthroughsecond-order organizationsthatlinkcommunityorganizationstonationalorganiza-tions(Bebbington,1996).Theseorganizationsbuildsocialcapitalthat goesbeyondinterestgroupsandcanidentifybroadlysharedconcerns amongdifferentgroups,allowingthemtofocusonlargerthemessuch aspoliticalparticipationandeconomicdevelopment.
this“organizationalrevolution”intoaninstrumenttoachievenotonly politicalgainsandgainsinimprovedlocalsocialservices,butalsoin economic gains and poverty reduction (Manuel Chiriboga, personal communication).
4. There are increasing demands for the provision of environmental services Increasingsocialdemandsforenvironmentalservicesinthefaceof extensivedeforestation,mismanagementofwatersheds,andpollution ofwaterbychemicalsfromagricultureoffernewopportunitiesforrural development. Missing markets for improved watershed management, deliveryofhigherqualitywatertocitiesandirrigationdistricts,reduced pollutionfromuseofchemicalsinagriculture,greaterbiodiversityconser-vationandcarboncapture,andimprovedlandscapemanagementcallfor introductionofpaymentsforenvironmentalservices.Mostcountriesin theregionhaveexperimentedwithsuchschemes(FAO,2004).Theyhave reachedlargescaleinCostaRica,national-levelpilotstageinMexico, andareprevalentatthelocallevelinnumerouswatersheds.PESallow resourceownerstoincreasereturnstoinvestmentsinnaturalresources, transferring resources to rural areas in support of rural development initiatives.InMexico,80%offorestsareintheejidosector,andforest ejidostendtoharborindigenouspopulationsandthepoorestamongrural households.Environmentalplanningandmanagementneededtodeliver environmentalservicesgiveanadditionaljustificationforpursuinga territorial approach to rural development. Regions as economic units willforthisreasonoftencorrespondtowatershedsandtoecologically homogenousterritories.
5. Localized success stories exist, and they often have a territorial base, but they lack in scale to make a difference in the aggregate poverty figures
decentralizedactivitiesinmanufacturing.Lessonsneedtobederived fromtheseexperienceswithterritorialruraldevelopment.
Casestudiesofterritorialruraldevelopmentareavailablethatallow toidentifydimensionsoftheinitiativeandsomedeterminantsofsuccess. Eachcasehasitsspecificity.Someofthemoreinterestingdocumented casesarethefollowing(seeTableatendoftext):
LEADERprograminEuropeanUnion.
CommunityEmpowermentProgramoftheUSDAintheUnitedStates. Petrolina-JuazeirointheSanFranciscoValley(Brazil):Damiani(2002) Cajamarca(Peru)
Central Highlands of Guatemala: Non-traditional exports and Cuatro PinosCooperative.
SEDESOL’sMicro-regionsstrategyinMexico. CentralValleyofChile:Agro-exports.
These experiences of territorial development show that there are severalelementsincommon,inparticular:(1)theneedtodefinethe regionoverwhichthedevelopmentprojectapplies,(2)theinstitutional transformationoftheregion,(3)theproductivetransformationofthe region,and(4)thesocialtransformationoftheregion.Weusethese categoriestodiscussthedimensionsofaterritorialapproachtorural development.
V. Strategies for rural development from a territorial perspective
qualitativechangesinruralpovertyandtheemergingopportunitiesfor ruraldevelopmentwehavereviewed.
MRAstendtohaveahighpovertyratebutlowpopulationdensity, hencealowshareoftheruralpoor.Povertyisgeographicallyconcen-trated.Theseregionsneedtobegraduallyde-populatedandintegrated withdynamicregions.Indigenousterritoriesneedspecialprograms,as these areas will retain relatively more populations. Options for these regionsconsequentlyinclude:
MigrationtowardFRAandcities:needpreparemigrantsbyinvesting insocialdevelopment.
Concentratepopulationslocally(purelyvoluntarily)inCECsforthe deliveryofsocialservices:Mexico’sMicro-regionsstrategy.
Link MRA to FRA and urban centers through the construction of integratedregionsandeconomiccorridors.
Offerenvironmentalservices(forestry,watershedmanagement,in-situ conservation,eco-tourism).
FRAs have a low poverty rate, but high population density. They typicallycontainmostoftheruralpoorinacountry.Basedonlessons learned from the successful experiences reviewed of regional devel-opmentinEurope,theUSA,andLatinAmerica,pursuingaterritorial approachtoruraldevelopmentinFRAwouldimplyputtingintoplace thefollowingfivedimensions:functionaldefinitionofaregion,institu-tionaltransformationofaregion,productivetransformationofaregion, socialtransformationofaregion,andproceduresforimplementationof aterritorialapproach.
Dimension 1: Define regions
Regionsforaterritorialapproachtoruraldevelopmentcanbedefined inseveralways.Theycanbeclassifiedinthefourfollowingtypes: Municipalityforlocalgovernance.Municipalitiescanbeeffectivefor
Ad-hocassociationofmunicipalitiesinpursuitofparticularprojects (e.g.,watershedmanagement,deliveryofapublicservice).
Regionsaslargeradministrativeunits:sub-nationalgovernmentsat thestate,department,orprovincelevel.
Regionsasfunctionaleconomicunits:naturaleconomicunitwithshared comparativeadvantage,diversifiedemploymentbasin,orsocialcapital unit.Theseregionscanbedefinedfunctionallythroughorganizations suchasadevelopmentbank(BancodoNordesteforagro-industrial development),acooperative(non-traditionalexportsinGuatemala),or aprocessingcenters(milkproductionsystemsinPeruandBrazil).Key totheseregionsisthelinksbetweenruralareasandurbancenters.
Inwhatfollows,weassumethattherearethreeadministrativelevels forterritorialdevelopment:
Nationallevelandstateleveliffederalnations.
Regionallevel:sub-nationaladministrativeunit,coalitionofmunici-palities,orfunctionaleconomicunit.
Locallevel:municipality.
Dimension 2: Institutional transformation of the region
Element1:Strengthenandmodernizethecapacityoflocalgovernments
Greatereconomiccapacity:Fiscalandfinancial(debtcapacity)decen-tralization.
Improvedadministrativecapacityandaccountability.
Capacityofdeliveringbasicserviceswithhighqualityandefficiency.
Element2:Strengthenthecapacityoflocalorganizations(socialcapital) Strengthenlocalcivilsocietyandprivatesectorrepresentativeorgani-zations.
Element3:Buildinstitutionstoplanandformulateprojectsforregional andlocaldevelopment
Capacityforregionalstrategicplanning:conceptualizationandopera- tionalizationofastrategicvisionfortheregion,withbroadpartici-pationofpublic,civil,andprivatesectoragents(regionaldevelopment agency).Definitionofregionalandlocaldevelopmentprojects.
Capacityoflocaluniversitiesforinnovations,training,andtechnical assistance.
Regionalinstitutionsforpromotionoftheregion(chambersofcommerce andindustry,labelingofproducts,qualitycertification,regionalimage building(brandinghouse)andadvertising)
Coordinationwithnationalprogramsforinfrastructureandpromotion ofcompetitiveness.
Dimension 3: Productive transformation of the region
Element1:Regionalprojectsforinfrastructureandfinancialdevelopment (State-regioncontracts)
Publicinvestmentsininfrastructure,inparticulartolinktheregionto dynamicnationalandinternationalmarkets.Industrialparksandother publicinvestmentsinsupportofprivateinvestment.
Developmentoflocalandregionalfinancialinstitutions.
Element2:Promotethecompetitivenessoftheregionandlocalentrepre-neurs(Region-drivendevelopmentprojects)
Investments in entrepreneurship training, technical assistance, and publicbusinessincubators.
Subsidies to investments that generate local positive externalities (decentralization,clustering)throughgrantsand/ortaxexemptions. Supporttoinvestmentsintheregion’scomparativeadvantages:
Promotethe“newagriculture”(localproductionsystemsfor
highvaluecropsandanimalproducts(milk,cheese),quality, labeling,valueaddedthroughprocessing,contractswith supermarketsandagroindustries,foodsafetyforexports).
Promotethenon-agriculturalruraleconomy:agriculturelinkages,
Capitalizeontransfersandremittancesassourcesoffinancingand
investment(capitalizationoflocalfinancialinstitutions).
Dimension 4: Social transformation of the region
Ruraldevelopmentprograms(socialandproductiveexpenditures) insupportofthesocialincorporationofthepoor
Improvetheassetpositionoftheruralpoor:
Access to land: redistributive land reform and subsidies to land purchase.
Human capital formation: conditional cash transfer programs for educationandhealth(ProgresainMexico,BolsaEscolainBrazil) Socialcapitalformation:promotemembershiptoorganizations. Combatthereproductionanddeepeningofsocialinequalitiestoinsure
broadsharingofthebenefitsoflocal/regionaldevelopment. Safetynetprogramstosupportrisk-takingbythepoor.
Dimension 5: Implementation of territorial rural development as a national strategy: Accountability and learning
Auditingandimpactanalysisforaccountability.
Results-basedmanagementforparticipatorylearningandimprovement basedonmonitoringandjust-in-timeimpactanalysis.
Securingcontinuitybeyondthepoliticalcycleandinitialleadership (Cajamarca, Cuatro Pinos Guatemala): importance of broad social participationintheregionandnational/internationalvisibilitybeyond theregionallevel.
VI. Conclusions: Main initiatives to implement a territorial
approach
povertyreductionstrategy.Alongwithanumberofotheranalysts(see referencesintext),thishasledustoidentifythefollowingdimensions toanintegralterritorialapproachtoruraldevelopment.
1. Recognize the heterogeneity of territorial conditions
Heterogeneityofgeographies,localinstitutions,andhouseholdasset positionsimpliestheneedforlocationspecificsolutions.Wehavein particularusedthecontrastbetweenMarginalRuralAreas(MRA)and FavorableRuralAreas(FRA)basedonqualityofagro-ecologyanddegree ofmarketconnectedness.Withintheseregions,heterogeneityofasset positionsacrosshouseholdsalsoimpliesthatthereexistsamultiplicity ofpathwaysfrompoverty.Hence,apovertyreductionstrategyneedsto beasocialconstructforaspecificterritoryandforspecificcategoriesof households.Blueprintssuchastheagriculture-andstate-ledintegrated ruraldevelopmentmodelortheGreenRevolutiondonotexistinthis approach.
2. Rural areas are more than agriculture and need to be organized into regional/local territories
In this approach, MRA must not be considered in isolation from FRA,ruralareasmustnotbeconsideredinisolationfromurbanareas, andtheruralpoormustnotbeconsideredinisolationfromtherural non-poor.Geographicalandsocialintegrationisthenameofthegame. Inthisperspective:
(1) Regions are a continuum between rural and urban areas
(2) Regions are constructed to support economic projects
Municipalities(localities)canbeeffectiveforthelocaldeliveryof socialservicesandforsmallinfrastructureprojects.Regions,composedof amultiplicityoflocalities,areconstructedtosupporteconomicprojects thatcanbringemploymentandinvestmentopportunitiestothelocalities thatcomposeit.Theseprojectsaredefinedasstate-regioncontractsand supportedbyregion-drivendevelopment(RDD)funds,analogoustothe familiarcommunity-drivendevelopment(CDD)projectsatthemunici-palitylevel.Fortheseprojects,regionsneedtobelinkedtodynamic marketsfortradableinmetropolisesandintheinternationaleconomy.
(3) The construction of economic regions requires a set of new institutions
Toperformtheireconomicfunctions,regionsneedtobeendowed withinstitutionstoplan,coordinate,andpromote.Planningmayrequire aregionaldevelopmentagency.Coordinationmayrequireregionaland localdevelopmentcouncils.Andpromotionmayrequireregionalandlocal chambersofcommerceandspecializedprofessionalorganizations.
(4) Regional projects aim at the productive transformation of the region
Projectshaveasapurposetopromoteentrepreneurshipandgive accesstofundingfornewinvestment.Themainemergingopportunities availableinsupportofregionaldevelopmentthatwereviewedare:
-Investmentsin“newagriculture”forhighvalueaddedactivities (crops,fruitsandvegetables,livestock,andfish)andaccesstonewoutlets (supermarkets, agro-industry, international demands for quality and healthyproducts).Profitableagriculturalactivitiescateringtodynamic marketswillthusremaintheengineofgrowthinaterritorialapproach to rural development, as they did under agriculture-based integrated ruraldevelopment.Forthis,productivitygainsinnewagriculturearean essentialdimensionoftheapproach.Thisisindeedthecasewithsomeof themostsuccessfulterritorialapproachestoruraldevelopment:Petrolina-JuazeiroinBrazil,NTXinGuatemala,andagroexportsinChile.
decentralizedindustry.Inallcases,servicesderivedfromthesedrivers of growth provide the most important sources of non-agricultural employment.
-Investmentofliquidityderivedfromremittances,madeavailable tolocalentrepreneursthroughcommunity-basedfinancialinstitutions. Troughprivilegedaccesstolocalinformationandsocialcapital,these financialinstitutionscanlendlocallyatanadvantagerelativetofinancial institutionsfromoutsidethelocality.
-Investmentsintheprovisionofenvironmentalservices.PESschemes canprovideimportantinflowsofcashtransferstowardruralareas.These paymentscansupportnotonlyimprovedmanagementofresources,but alsogainsinthewelfareofserviceproviders,oftenamongtheregion’s poorest.
(5) The multiplicity of activities in a region requires multi-sectoral projects
Investmentsinsupportofruraldevelopmenthavetypicallyfocused onagriculture,withblueprintsliketheGreenRevolution.Aterritorial approachrequiresinsteaddemand-ledandparticipatoryapproaches.That recognizes the heterogeneity of conditions, and integrates agriculture with activities beyond agriculture. Region-Driven Development funds canhelpfinancethesemulti-sectoralinitiatives.
3. Rural poverty reduction requires specific interventions to help the poor gain access to the opportunities offered by regional growth
These more classical aspects of rural development interventions focuson:
(1)Improvingtheassetpositionoftheruralpoor Thisincludesmostspecifically:
-Accesstolandthroughredistributivelandreformsandsubsidies-assistedmarkettransactions.
(2)Reducingmarketfailuresthataffectthepoor
Thisincludesnotablylackofaccesstocreditandinsurance.This requiresconstructinginstitutionsthatcanservetheruralpoorunderthe specificconditionsthatcharacterizethem:strongwealthconstraintsand highlevelsofriskaversion,butendowmentsinlocalknowledgeand socialcapitalthatcanserveforsocialcollateralandmutualinsurance.
(3)Securingthecompetitivenessofthepooronbothlaborandproduct markets
Thisrequiresnotonlyreductionofmarketsfailures,butlinks betweenpoorandnon-poorandorganizationsthatcanhelpthepoor achievebargainingpowerandscaleintheirrelationswithmarkets(super-markets),agro-industry,andsourcesofcontractsoremployment.
(4)AddressingthespecialproblemofpopulationsinMRAs
Dispersed populations in marginal rural areas, often indigenous populations attached to ancestral territories, are difficult to service in publicgoods.GradualrelocationinStrategicCommunityCenters(Mexico) canbeeffectiveforthedeliveryofsocialservicesandsmallinfrastructure. PreparingpopulationstomigratetoFRAsandregionalemploymentcenters ispartofthestrategy.LinkingFRAstoMRAsisessentialforthisandto securecompetitivenessofeconomicactivitiesinMRAs.
4. Implementation
Implementinganintegralterritorialapproachtoruraldevelopment requirespoliticalsupportandshouldbedesignedasalearningprocess.
(1)Shiftequilibriumusingabigpushapproach
effects,acoordinatedbig-pushapproachisneededtoshifttoahigher-levelregionalequilibrium.
(2)Impactanalysismustbedoneforaccountabilityandforlearning withresults-basedmanagement
Auditisneededtosecureefficientuseofpublicanddonorresources. For this purpose, standard process evaluation and impact analysis approachesneedtobeused.Inaddition,processevaluationandimpact analysis should feed into results-based management methods, based on participation and feedbacks from lessons learned into redesign of approaches.Thisisnotfree.Resourcesneedtobecommittedinsupport ofmakingtheapproachintoalearningprocess.
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