Though there is some evidence for a selection effect (see Mastekaasa 1992), marital status differences in the prevalence of mentalillness are not entirely attrib- utable to the selection effect. Prior research indicates that people’s mental health tends to improve upon marriage, which suggests that marriage confer salutogenic beneits (Frech and Williams 1982; Horwitz et al. 1996). This study addressed whether the salutogenic beneits that shield people from getting ill also speed the recuperation process after the onset of illness. Our indings demonstrate that these beneits appear to have limited effects on the duration of treatment of men- tal illness. Our indings also indicate that there is the potential that being never- married impedes the recuperation process. Of course, our results are dificult to decipher because we could not pinpoint whether marriage improves recuperation, never-married status complicates recuperation, or if a dual effect is occurring. We consider the latter option at face-value because we cannot believe that social sup- port differences between the married and the never-married are irrelevant in ex- plaining these health disparities, but neither can we ignore the implications of the non-signiicant difference in recuperation from mentalillness between the married and the previously married. Whatever the case, our results raise questions about the beneits of marriage for recuperation from mentalillness and suggest that something about the never-married increases their time under treatment.
In a study involving14, 888 adults, Shelton et al.  found that the presence of mental health problems was a significant independent risk factor for homelessness. Many studies have revealed high rates of mentalillness among homeless people. A systematic review by Fazel, Khosla, Doll and Geddes  found that the most common mental disorders in the homeless population were alcohol dependence (8.1% to 58.5%) and drug dependence (4.5% to 54.2%). The prevalence of psychotic illness and depression ranged from 2.8% to 42.3%. The prevalence of personality disorder varied widely across studies, from 2% to 71%. Scott  found that 30% to 50% of homeless people had a mentalillness and comorbidity of substance abuse and mentalillness occurred in 20% of the homeless population. In Nielsen et al.’s  nationwide cohort study, 62.4% of men and 58.2% of women in the Danish homeless population had psychiatric disorders. Almost 36% had substance abuse disorders, and around 4% had disorders on the schizophrenia spectrum. A state-wide survey (N = 4730)  found that almost half of the for- merly -homeless group had a one-year psychiatric diagnosis—a rate nearly twice that of the never -homeless group. The prevalence of alcohol use disorder comorbid with one or more psychiatric disorders was 15.1% in the formerly -homeless group—five times higher than the rate in the never -homeless group. Folsom and Jeste  found that schizophrenia was over- represented in the homeless population, with a prevalence of from 4% to 16%. A study  that sampled 7,224 mentally ill homeless people from a multi-site outreach programme found high rates of 30-day suicidal ideation (37.5%) and suicide attempts (7.9%). Mentally ill home- less people have also been found to be more likely to be victims of physical assault, criminal activities and sexual harassment [35–38].
may be related to the difficulty of understanding men- tal illness as a disease like the others, with complex rather than unidimensional causes. Some types of beliefs about the etiology of mentalillness can have a beneficial effect in combating the stigmatization of mentalillness. The conception of mentalillness, cau- sed by genetic and biological issues as well as psycho- social issues, helps to understand mentalillness as pa- thology similar to any other, reducing the idea of fear, dangerousness and discriminatory attitudes (19) . Thus,
This is a report on the associations between the use of psychotropic drugs and presence of various mental disorders in residents in the city of Rio de Janeiro aged 15 and over. The use of psychotropic drugs was 6.55% in a one-month period and the most-used drug class was antidepressants. Variables such as age, female gender, being separated/divorced, having higher income and higher education, mentalillness diagnosed in the last year, and family history of mental disorder were independently associated with use of psychotropic drugs in a one-month period of the study. The general practitioners were the main prescribers, the majority of participants in the study paid for the medication themselves, and 84% of the individuals with mentalillness in a one-month period, as confirmed by the CIDI 2.1, did not use psychotropic drugs.
rater and the scoring system developers then independently coded and compared 80 randomly selected open-ended responses from the two questions about helping behaviors in the 2011 Adult Mental Health Literacy Survey. Interrater reliability was very high overall, ranging from r = .76 (Give support and information) to r = 1.00 (Assess and assist with any crisis). The rater then scored all the help-giving responses for each question (the intention question: “Imagine John/ Jenny is someone you have known for a long time and care about. You want to help him/her. What would you do?” and the behavior question: “What did you do to help the close friend/family member you know who had a problem similar to John’s/Jenny’s?”), resolving ambiguous responses by con- sulting the scoring system developers as necessary. Additional notes were taken when responses were harmful to the person with a mentalillness (for example, encouraging the person to drink to forget their troubles or talking to the person firmly about getting their act together) and where the participant did not know what to do but resolved to seek help from other sources such as their general practitioner (GP), mental health websites, or a helpline. These responses were of interest as they represent a form of indirect help, and the scoring system was developed for people who had under- taken the MHFA course and thus were expected to know how to assist a person experiencing a mentalillness. Because the respondents were untrained and the scoring system could not accommodate these responses, these responses were noted separately and a dichotomous variable created for analysis.
The following overall guidelines were established for the purposes of providing consistency and accuracy in distinguishing between correct and incorrect responses to the above questions: (a) the use of the general category of mentalillness (i.e., depression, anxiety, and psychosis), or a derivative of the word (e.g., depressive, depressed, anxious, or psychotic) was regarded as a correct response; (b) the use of the exact DSM-V diagnostic criteria, or subtype there of (e.g., major depression, dysthymia, generalized anxiety disorder, or paranoid schizophrenia) was also regarded as a correct response; (c) references to symptoms of a mentalillness rather than the illness itself were not regarded as correct responses; (d) the term “stressed” was not accepted as a correct identification of anxiety on the basis that it is frequently used as a colloquial term that can encompass a broad range of symptoms, some of which are often not associated with anxiety. Similarly, the terms “paranoid” and “delusional” were not accepted as correct identification of psychosis as they may also be used in colloquial contexts, and refer to the symptoms of schizophrenia rather than the illness itself; (e) misspelt words or phrases were accepted as correct providing it was discernible as to what mentalillness was intended; and (f) accurate responses were maintained as correct regardless of additional information or diagnoses that were provided beyond that of the correct diagnosis, as the participant demonstrated the ability to identify the mentalillness in question.
It is easy to understand how audiences in a theatre are granted a closeness to the stories being portrayed, more so than an individual watching a film or reading a book. The closeness to the actors, story and stage may seem contradictory to the ideal of aesthetic distance, which is often mentioned, nonetheless both qualities complement each other to create a neutral space where the audience can be immersed within a play, but still perceive it with exterior perspectives. Furthermore, the contextualization of certain themes may help to better shape and determine someone’s views regarding the theme itself. The issue becomes the lack of guarantee that the ideals represented in theatre are more socially unbiased than those in psychiatry. Psychiatry has many pros, nevertheless there are some ethical issues that arise from the analysis of certain operations. The before-mentioned psychotherapies are the greatest source of help in the treatment of mentalillness. However, they present certain flaws, namely the manner in which they create an imbalance of power between patient and analyst. The analyst is given power over all the information of the patient’s life. There is an unequal balance between both individuals, as the therapist offers little to compensate for everything the patient gives. The major concern is the shaping of patients’ views in accordance to the psychiatrist’s own predetermined ones. As R. D. Laing explains in his essay The Divided Self: An Existential Study in Sanity and Madness (1964: 24) “The behaviour of the patient is to some extent a function of the behaviour of the psychiatrist in the same behavioural field”. It entails that the analyst has the power to shape the way the patient behaves or thinks in/about specific situations. This issue will be further explored in the second part of this thesis, as the analysis of the three case studies will touch upon the questioning of relationships between patients and doctors in medical environments, and respective influences. Returning to the question at hand, in a world filled with distinctive representations of mentalillness, how can one guarantee that playwrights and actors may choose to portray mental health in non-stereotyped manners? How can one guarantee that the influence
The present study is a descriptive, cross- sectional in nature. A total of 100 participants were recruited by convenient sampling method. The pre-designed and pre-tested questionnaire contained information on various study variables, items on knowledge include common mental illnesses, factors contributing to mentalillness and causes, treatment, prognosis and their prevention was used. Each correct response was assigned score 1 and wrong response was assigned 0 (zero). Thus for 15 items, the maximum attainable score was 15 and minimum was 0. The questionnaire also included questions regarding attitudes and practices with regard to mentalillness which is ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ type. The subjects who met the inclusion criteria were enrolled and informed written consent was obtained. Knowledge and attitude about mentalillness were assessed using the Questionnaire by semi structured interview.
room are often related to behavioral changes and these changes have biological processes as the neuropathological, neurochemical and genetic, but also the processes related to psychological factors including personality traits and response to stress . The lived and felt reality becomes incomprehensible and the elderly can fuse itself a behavior that had never before happened. Thus, it is understood that insituation of infectious process, pain, respiratory distress or disturbance of cerebral oxygenation of multiple causes, it may be maladjusted behavior, particularly when these diagnoses occur with age, cognitive impairment or delusional hallucinatory activity. Social factors are also important. An aggressive or unstable environment or a troubled caregiver can influence negatively the receiving care person and make it irascible by feelings of insecurity or fear. Understanding the delayed phase behavior changes of life is perhaps the best example of the importance of an integrated approach to diagnosis. In this study the internment subject with psychiatric illness was primarily due to changes in behavior, with higher probability of this phenomenon occur in the group who had dementia diagnosis than in the group who had other mentalillness which is consistent with data from Lawlor .
Abstract The article seeks to understand the re- lationships established between mentally ill pa- tients cared for in the open community service network and the city of Belo Horizonte, state cap- ital of Minas Gerais. It is understood that the ex- perience of mentalillness is capable of generating narratives that seek to give meaning to suffering and help people to negotiate everyday decisions. The biographical method was used for the con- struction of narratives of life trajectories of the three participants of the study. The biographical narratives revealed diverse experiences associated with mentalillness as well as different meanings attributed to this condition. However, interest- ingly, these stories have a common pattern, often associated with marginal convivialities with the conventions of order, family and work. There is a break with the striking invisibility in asylums, as open services provide the social movement and manipulation of social codes, creating new terri- torial delimitations and interpretations. However, the need for empirical studies that address themes such as family relations, housing conditions and income of this population is paramount in order to broaden the right to health discussions for the right to housing, work, the right and to a place in the city.
Objective: Knowing the meanings of mentalillness for individuals with psychotic disorders, hospitalized in a general hospital. Methods: Descriptive study with a qualitative approach. Five people formed the sample. It Was used a semi- structured interview and graphical representation in order to obtain the information. The Data was sent to content analysis, of thematic type. Results: The surveyed was reported to mentalillness, as: a result of divine punishments and witchcraft; a reality charged with suffering and difficulties, the result of losses and experiences from childhood, something difficult to explain, laden with stigma, misunderstanding, distrust and disqualification; presence of symptoms; limiting daily activities and disabling for work. Conclusion: We conclude that there is need for interventions that go beyond the reduction and control of symptoms, directing a look at the relationship of mental patient with family, work and the community. Descriptors: Nursing, Mental disorders, Psychotic disorders, General hospitals, Mental health.
Little is known about the perception of mentalillness in the English-speaking Caribbean. This study was conducted in 1995 to determine the attitudes, knowledge, and help-seeking practices for emotional disorders in the Commonwealth of Dominica. Two groups in Dominica were surveyed: 67 community leaders, consisting of nurses, teachers, and police officers; and 135 community members grouped into five socioeconomic strata that were collapsed to three for the analysis. All the respondents were asked to identify and suggest management of individuals with psychosis, alcoholism, depression, and childhood hyperactivity, as depicted in case vi- gnettes. The person in the psychosis vignette was diagnosed as suffering from mentalillness by 84.0% of the leaders and by 71.2% of the community members. However, in each of the three other vignettes, fewer than 30% of the respondents thought that mentalillness was pres- ent. The person with alcoholism was viewed as having a serious problem by only slightly more than half of the respondents. Fewer than half of the respondents thought that the individuals with depression or hyperactivity had serious problems. The community leaders did somewhat worse in recognizing mentalillness than did the community members. Respondents were most likely to refer a family member with emotional problems to a medical practitioner. In conclu- sion, education about mental health problems is needed in Dominica. Especially disconcerting was the lack of knowledge on mentalillness among nurses, teachers, and police officers, that is, professionals directly involved in the pathway to care.
A sample of community elderly who had an episode of psychiatric urgency was studied. It was addressed to mental disease associated with body mass index and hypertension to be two co morbidities strongly linked to high morbidity and mortality. Several authors have shown the benefits in prevention of cerebral vascular accident (stroke) and cardiovascular diseases [4, 5]. Hypertension is associated with an increased of cardiovascular morbidity and mortality in all age groups . The blood pressure, either systolic (> 140 mmHg) or diastolic (> 90 mmHg), occurs in approximately half to two thirds of the population aged 65 years and 75% of the population aged 80 years of age or more  and data from this study corroborate this author.
Although previous research in SMI has explored the impact of symptoms [9,10,11] and risk behaviours [6,7] we know very little about the role of environmental factors and functional status such as difficulties with activities of daily living (ADLs), living conditions, occupational/recreational activities, and relationships. However, these factors have been associated with increased risks of mortality in general population samples and other patient groups [23,24,25,26,27]. There is some evidence that not being married and lacking social support may be associated with suicidality in people with schizophrenia , and having no paid employment was found to increase mortality risk by 38% in a cohort admitted to an inpatient psychiatric unit  A recent study investigating individuals with a range of mental disorders found that clinician- appraised risk of self-neglect (but not appraised risk of suicide or violence) predicted all cause mortality, independent of physical health and to the strongest extent in the youngest age group . In this investigation we examined associations between mortality and the following predictors in people with SMI: ADL impair- ment, social relationships, living conditions and occupational/ recreational activities.
Unlike previous studies which have suggested that the concussion knowledge of the coaches, athletic trainers and the general public is generally poor [15, 19, 20] our cross-Canada study has shown that most people engaged in the sports community are familiar with the physical and cognitive symptoms associated with concussion. Also, the studies were published in 2007–2009 and concussion has received notable media attention since then. Despite finding higher levels of overall concussion symptom knowledge, our study highlights a potential gap in knowledge and awareness related to the mental health outcomes of concussion with respondents identifying, on average, only half of such symptoms (nervousness or anxiety,
We aimed to estimate the prevalence and correlates of psychotropic poly- pharmacy in Brazilian psychiatric patients by gender. Sociodemographic, behavioral and clinical data were obtained through face-to-face interviews and medical charts of 2,475 patients. Psychotropic polypharmacy was defined as the use of two or more psychotropic drugs and occurred in 85.7% of men (95%CI: 83.6%-87.6%) and 84.9% of women (95%CI: 82.8%-86.8%; p > 0.05). The mean number of psychotropic drugs/patient was 2.98 ± 1.23 and most common combinations included antipsychotics. Multivariate analysis showed that for both genders, previous hospitalization, severe mentalillness, multi- ple psychiatric diagnoses and an insufficient number of professionals in the health care unit was associated with psychotropic polypharmacy. However, other correlates such as inpatient care, use of non-psychotropic drugs, living in unstable conditions and current smoking vary among them. Psychotropic polypharmacy was a common practice in this national sample. The results highlighted the need for national guidelines to manage patients with mentalillness, considering the difference among genders and disease severity, to re- duce the burden of polyphamacy in this population.
The 1984 revision of the Penal Code was based on the work of forensic psychiatrist Heitor Carrilho, produced in the 1940s. This means that many scientific and techno- logical advances in medicine were left out. Diagnosis, treatment, and prognosis in psychiatry have undergone important changes over the past decades, and it is cur- rently unacceptable to perpetuate the notion that danger- ousness is inherent to mentalillness. There is solid evidence in scientific studies, including systematic reviews and meta-analyses, that proves that mentalillness is far from being the most important factor in assess- ing risk of violence, and may not even be an isolated factor. 1,20,21,28,30,33,34,37
R9 ph 32: Because he’s had psychiatric treatment, they think he’s crazy, mad, that he will go around attacking, causing fights and I don’t know what. So, it’s important that there’s no discrimination. Despite this ultra-generalization, established in society, that everyone with mentalillness is poten- tially dangerous, this information is not confirmed in academic studies, ratifying that it is an idea based on belief, not knowledge, in other words, it has the characteristics of a prejudice. According to Leff and Warner (2006, p. 51), only “a tiny proportion of the mentally ill commit violent crimes, only a small amount of these commit homicide, and their family and friends who run much more risk of being atta- cked” than strangers.
We can track the origins of the concept of neuropro- gression back to the Zeitgeist of psychiatric systematics in the mid-19th century. At the time, the motto was ‘‘from (clinical) forms to (disease) transformations,’’ as stated by Kahlbaum. 2 In this context, the Belgian psychiatrist Guislain (1797-1860) used the concept of ‘‘vesanic dementia’’ to account for progressive mental decay secondary to insanity. 3 Guislain’s vesanic dementia referred to acquired forms of progressive cognitive failure following acute affective episodes of mentalillness and as a final state of disease. Experienced French psychiatrists used the concept of ‘‘vesanisation’’ to describe patients that presented cognitive decay and a more ‘‘organic-like’’ clinical presentation after multiple episodes (Lepine J-P, personal communication, 2013). The word vesania in psychiatry comes from the Latin term used as a generic designation for madness, and was applied by Heinroth in his influential classification of 1802 as ‘‘Seelensto¨rung’’ (mental disorder). When vesanisation was used as a synonym of a malignant progressive course, the under- lying concept was related to Guislain’s vesanic dementia. The clinical observation that patients may present initially with a profile of discrete episodes and move toward a more pervasive clinical presentation has evolved to the notion that psychiatric disorders could be conceived in terms of staging systems. 4 Early stages would corre- spond to populations at extremely high risk for the development of psychopathology, whereas late-stage defects would be related to more severe presentations.