Ret urn t o t he I nt roduct ion t o Thom as Paine and t he det ailed Table of Cont ent s.
ED I TI ON USED
This is a public dom ain t ext rendered int o HTML on 9 April 1998, by St eve Thom as for The Universit y of Adelaide Library Elect ronic Text s Collect ion. I t w as refor m at t ed and edit ed t o suit t he needs of t he OLL.
TABLE OF CON TEN TS
PART THE FI RST. BEI NG AN ANSWER TO MR. BURKE'S ATTACK ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTI ON
z Dedicat ion t o George Washingt on
z Preface t o t he English Edit ion
z Preface t o t he French Edit ion
z Right s of Man
{ Declarat ion Of The Right s Of Man And Of Cit izens By The Nat ional Assem bly Of France
{ Pt 1 Observat ions. Observat ions on t he Declarat ion of Right s z Miscellaneous Chapt er
z Conclusion
PART THE SECOND. COMBI NI NG PRI NCI PLE AND PRACTI CE
z Dedicat ion t o M. de la Fayet t e
z Preface z I nt roduct ion
z Chapt er 1 Of Societ y and Civilisat ion
z Chapt er 2 Of t he Origin of t he Present Old Governm ent s z Chapt er 3 Of t he Old and New Syst em s of Governm ent z Chapt er 4 Of Const it ut ions
z Chapt er 5 Ways and Means of I m proving t he Condit ion of Europe, I nt erspersed wit h Miscellaneous Observat ions
TH E ON LI N E LI BRARY OF LI BERTY © 2 0 0 4 Libe r t y Fu n d, I n c.
CLASSI CS I N TH E H I STORY OF LI BERTY
Livros Grátis
http://www.livrosgratis.com.br
Appendix
Not es
PART TH E FI RST. BEI N G AN AN SW ER TO M R. BURKE'S ATTACK ON TH E
FREN CH REVOLUTI ON
D ED I CATI ON TO GEORGE W ASH I N GTON
George Washingt on
President Of The Unit ed St at es Of Am er ica
Sir,
I present you a sm all t reat ise in defence of t hose principles of freedom w hich your exem plary virt ue hat h so em inent ly cont ribut ed t o est ablish. That t he Right s of Man m ay becom e as universal as your benevolence can wish, and t hat you m ay enj oy t he happiness of seeing t he New World regenerat e t he Old, is t he prayer of
Sir,
Your m uch obliged, and Obedient hum ble Ser vant ,
Thom as Paine
TH E AUTH OR'S PREFACE TO TH E EN GLI SH ED I TI ON
From t he part Mr. Burke t ook in t he Am erican Revolut ion, it was nat ural t hat I should consider him a friend t o m ankind; and as our acquaint ance com m enced on t hat ground, it w ould have been m ore agreeable t o m e t o have had cause t o cont inue in t hat opinion t han t o change it .
At t he t im e Mr. Burke m ade his violent speech last wint er in t he English Parliam ent against t he French Revolut ion and t he Nat ional Assem bly, I was in Paris, and had writ t en t o him but a short t im e before t o inform him how prosperously m at t ers w ere going on. Soon aft er t his I saw his advert isem ent of t he Pam phlet he int ended t o publish: As t he at t ack w as t o be m ade in a language but lit t le st udied, and less
saw t he flagrant m isrepresent at ions which Mr. Burke's Pam phlet cont ains; and t hat while it is an out rageous abuse on t he Fr ench Revolut ion, and t he principles of Libert y, it is an im posit ion on t he rest of t he world.
I am t he m ore ast onished and disappoint ed at t his conduct in Mr. Burke, as ( from t he circum st ances I am going t o m ent ion) I had form ed ot her expect at ions.
I had seen enough of t he m iseries of war, t o w ish it m ight never m ore have exist ence in t he world, and t hat som e ot her m ode m ight be found out t o set t le t he differences t hat should occasionally arise in t he neighbourhood of nat ions. This cert ainly m ight be done if Court s were disposed t o set honest y about it , or if count ries were enlight ened enough not t o be m ade t he dupes of Court s. The people of Am erica had been bred up in t he sam e pr ej udices against France, w hich at t hat t im e charact erised t he people of England; but experience and an acquaint ance w it h t he French Nat ion have m ost effect ually
show n t o t he Am ericans t he falsehood of t hose prej udices; and I do not believe t hat a m ore cordial and confident ial int ercour se exist s bet ween any t wo count ries t han bet w een Am erica and France.
When I cam e t o France, in t he spring of 1787, t he Archbishop of Thoulouse was t hen Minist er, and at t hat t im e highly est eem ed. I becam e m uch acquaint ed w it h t he privat e Secret ary of t hat Minist er, a m an of an enlarged benevolent heart ; and found t hat his sent im ent s and m y own perfect ly agreed wit h respect t o t he m adness of war, and t he wret ched im policy of t wo nat ions, like England and France, cont inually worrying each ot her, t o no ot her end t han t hat of a m ut ual increase of burdens and t axes. That I m ight be assured I had not m isunderst ood him , nor he m e, I put t he subst ance of our opinions int o w rit ing and sent it t o him ; subj oining a request , t hat if I should see am ong t he people of England, any disposit ion t o cult ivat e a bet t er underst anding bet w een t he t w o nat ions t han had hit hert o prevailed, how far I m ight be aut horised t o say t hat t he sam e disposit ion prevailed on t he part of France? He answered m e by let t er in t he m ost unr eserved m anner, and t hat not for him self only, but for t he Minist er, w it h w hose knowledge t he let t er was declared t o be writ t en.
I put t his let t er int o t he, hands of Mr. Burke alm ost t hree years ago, and left it w it h him , where it st ill rem ains; hoping, and at t he sam e t im e nat urally expect ing, from t he opinion I had conceived of him , t hat he w ould find som e opport unit y of m aking good use of it , for t he purpose of rem oving t hose errors and prej udices which t w o
neighbouring nat ions, from t he w ant of know ing each ot her, had ent ert ained, t o t he inj ury of bot h.
That t here are m en in all count ries who get t heir living by war, and by keeping up t he quarrels of Nat ions, is as shocking as it is t rue; but w hen t hose w ho are concerned in t he governm ent of a count ry, m ake it t heir st udy t o sow discord and cult ivat e
prej udices bet w een Nat ions, it becom es t he m ore unpardonable.
Wit h respect t o a paragraph in t his work alluding t o Mr. Burke's having a pension, t he report has been som e t im e in circulat ion, at least t w o m ont hs; and as a person is oft en t he last t o hear what concerns him t he m ost t o know , I have m ent ioned it , t hat Mr. Burke m ay have an opport unit y of cont radict ing t he rum our, if he t hinks pr oper.
Thom as Paine
TH E AUTH OR'S PREFACE TO TH E FREN CH ED I TI ON
The ast onishm ent w hich t he French Revolut ion has caused t hroughout Europe should be considered from t wo different point s of view: first as it affect s for eign peoples, secondly as it affect s t heir governm ent s.
The cause of t he French people is t hat of all Europe, or rat her of t he w hole w orld; but t he governm ent s of all t hose count ries are by no m eans favorable t o it . I t is im port ant t hat w e should never lose sight of t his dist inct ion. We m ust not confuse t he peoples wit h t heir governm ent s; especially not t he English people wit h it s governm ent .
The governm ent of England is no friend of t he revolut ion of France. Of t his we have sufficient proofs in t he t hanks given by t hat weak and wit less person, t he Elect or of Hanover, som et im es called t he King of England, t o Mr. Burke for t he insult s heaped on it in his book, and in t he m alevolent com m ent s of t he English Minist er, Pit t , in his speeches in Parliam ent .
I n spit e of t he professions of sincerest friendship found in t he official correspondence of t he English governm ent wit h t hat of France, it s conduct gives t he lie t o all it s
declarat ions, and show s us clearly t hat it is not a court t o be t rust ed, but an insane court , plunging in all t he quarrels and int rigues of Europe, in quest of a w ar t o sat isfy it s folly and count enance it s ext r avagance.
The English nat ion, on t he cont rar y, is very favorably disposed t owards t he Fr ench Revolut ion, and t o t he progress of libert y in t he w hole w orld; and t his feeling w ill becom e m ore general in England as t he int rigues and art ifices of it s governm ent are bet t er know n, and t he principles of t he revolut ion bet t er underst ood. The French should know t hat m ost English newspapers are direct ly in t he pay of governm ent , or, if
im possible long t o prevent t he prevalence of t rut h, t he daily falsehoods of t hose papers no longer have t he desired effect .
To be convinced t hat t he voice of t rut h has been st ifled in England, t he w orld needs only t o be t old t hat t he governm ent regards and prosecut es as a libel t hat which it should prot ect .*[ 1] This out rage on m oralit y is called law, and j udges are found wicked enough t o inflict penalt ies on t rut h.
The English governm ent pr esent s, j ust now, a curious phenom enon. Seeing t hat t he French and English nat ions are get t ing rid of t he prej udices and false not ions form erly ent ert ained against each ot her, and w hich have cost t hem so m uch m oney, t hat governm ent seem s t o be placarding it s need of a foe; for unless it finds one
som ewhere, no pret ext exist s for t he enorm ous revenue and t axat ion now deem ed necessary.
Therefore it seeks in Russia t he enem y it has lost in France, and appears t o say t o t he universe, or t o say t o it self. " I f nobody will be so kind as t o becom e m y foe, I shall need no m ore fleet s nor arm ies, and shall be forced t o reduce m y t axes. The Am erican war enabled m e t o double t he t axes; t he Dut ch business t o add m ore; t he Noot ka hum bug gave m e a pret ext for raising t hree m illions st erling m ore; but unless I can m ake an enem y of Russia t he harvest fr om wars will end. I was t he first t o incit e Turk against Russian, and now I hope t o reap a fresh crop of t axes."
I f t he m iseries of w ar, and t he flood of evils it spreads over a count r y, did not check all inclinat ion t o m irt h, and t urn laught er int o grief, t he fr ant ic conduct of t he governm ent of England would only excit e ridicule. But it is im possible t o banish from one's m ind t he im ages of suffering which t he cont em plat ion of such vicious policy present s. To reason wit h governm ent s, as t hey have exist ed for ages, is t o argue w it h brut es. I t is only from t he nat ions t hem selves t hat reform s can be expect ed. There ought not now t o exist any doubt t hat t he peoples of France, England, and Am er ica, enlight ened and enlight ening each ot her, shall hencefort h be able, not m erely t o give t he world an exam ple of good governm ent , but by t heir unit ed influence enforce it s pract ice.
( Translat ed fr om t he French)
RI GH TS OF M AN
cannot be pardoned on t he score of m anners, nor j ust ified on t hat of policy.
There is scarcely an epit het of abuse t o be found in t he English language, wit h which Mr. Burke has not loaded t he French Nat ion and t he Nat ional Assem bly. Everyt hing w hich rancour, prej udice, ignorance or knowledge could suggest , is poured fort h in t he copious fury of near four hundred pages. I n t he st rain and on t he plan Mr. Burke w as w rit ing, he m ight have w rit t en on t o as m any t housands. When t he t ongue or t he pen is let loose in a frenzy of passion, it is t he m an, and not t he subj ect , t hat becom es
exhaust ed.
Hit hert o Mr. Burke has been m ist aken and disappoint ed in t he opinions he had form ed of t he affairs of France; but such is t he ingenuit y of his hope, or t he m alignancy of his despair, t hat it furnishes him wit h new pret ences t o go on. Ther e w as a t im e when it was im possible t o m ake Mr. Burke believe t here would be any Revolut ion in France. His opinion t hen w as, t hat t he French had neit her spirit t o undert ake it nor fort it ude t o support it ; and now t hat t here is one, he seeks an escape by condem ning it .
Not sufficient ly cont ent w it h abusing t he Nat ional Assem bly, a great part of his w ork is t aken up w it h abusing Dr. Price ( one of t he best - heart ed m en t hat lives) and t he t wo societ ies in England known by t he nam e of t he Revolut ion Societ y and t he Societ y for Const it ut ional I nform at ion.
Dr. Price had preached a serm on on t he 4t h of Novem ber, 1789, being t he anniversary of what is called in England t he Revolut ion, w hich t ook place 1688. Mr. Burke, speaking of t his serm on, says: " The polit ical Divine proceeds dogm at ically t o assert , t hat by t he principles of t he Revolut ion, t he people of England have acquired t hree fundam ent al right s:
1. To choose our ow n governors. 2. To cashier t hem for m isconduct .
3. To fr am e a gover nm ent for our selves."
Dr. Price does not say t hat t he right t o do t hese t hings exist s in t his or in t hat person, or in t his or in t hat descript ion of persons, but t hat it exist s in t he w hole; t hat it is a right resident in t he nat ion. Mr. Bur ke, on t he cont rar y, denies t hat such a right exist s in t he nat ion, eit her in w hole or in part , or t hat it exist s anywhere; and, what is st ill m ore st r ange and m arvellous, he says: " t hat t he people of England ut t erly disclaim such a right , and t hat t hey will resist t he pract ical assert ion of it wit h t heir lives and
fort unes." That m en should t ake up arm s and spend t heir lives and fort unes, not t o m aint ain t heir right s, but t o m aint ain t hey have not right s, is an ent irely new species of discovery, and suit ed t o t he paradoxical genius of Mr. Burke.
anywhere at all, is of t he sam e m arvellous and m onst r ous kind w it h w hat he has alr eady said; for his argum ent s are t hat t he persons, or t he gener at ion of persons, in w hom t hey did exist , are dead, and w it h t hem t he right is dead also. To prove t his, he quot es a declarat ion m ade by Parliam ent about a hundred years ago, t o William and Mary, in t hese w ords: " The Lords Spirit ual and Tem poral, and Com m ons, do, in t he nam e of t he people aforesaid" ( m eaning t he people of England t hen living) " m ost hum bly and fait hfully subm it t hem selves, t heir heirs and post erit ies, for Ever." He quot es a clause of anot her Act of Parliam ent m ade in t he sam e reign, t he t erm s of w hich he says, " bind us" ( m eaning t he people of t heir day) , " our heirs and our post erit y, t o t hem , t heir heirs and post erit y, t o t he end of t im e."
Mr. Burke conceives his point sufficient ly est ablished by producing t hose clauses, which he enfor ces by saying t hat t hey exclude t he right of t he nat ion for ever. And not yet cont ent w it h m aking such declarat ions, repeat ed over and over again, he fart her says, " t hat if t he people of England possessed such a right before t he Revolut ion" ( w hich he acknowledges t o have been t he case, not only in England, but t hroughout Europe, at an early period) , " yet t hat t he English Nat ion did, at t he t im e of t he Revolut ion, m ost solem nly renounce and abdicat e it , for t hem selves, and for all t heir post erit y, for ever."
As Mr. Burke occasionally applies t he poison drawn from his horrid principles, not only t o t he English nat ion, but t o t he French Revolut ion and t he Nat ional Assem bly, and charges t hat august , illum inat ed and illum inat ing body of m en wit h t he epit het of usurpers, I shall, sans cerem onie, place anot her syst em of principles in opposit ion t o his.
The English Parliam ent of 1688 did a cert ain t hing, which, for t hem selves and t heir const it uent s, t hey had a right t o do, and which it appeared right should be done. But , in addit ion t o t his right , w hich t hey possessed by delegat ion, t hey set up anot her right by assum pt ion, t hat of binding and cont rolling post erit y t o t he end of t im e. The case, t herefore, divides it self int o t wo part s; t he right which t hey possessed by delegat ion, and t he right which t hey set up by assum pt ion. The first is adm it t ed; but wit h respect t o t he second, I replyThere never did, t here never will, and t here never can, exist a
cont rol t hem in any shape w hat ever , t han t he parliam ent or t he people of t he present day have t o dispose of, bind or cont rol t hose who are t o live a hundred or a t housand years hence. Every generat ion is, and m ust be, com pet ent t o all t he purposes w hich it s occasions require. I t is t he living, and not t he dead, t hat are t o be accom m odat ed. When m an ceases t o be, his pow er and his w ant s cease w it h him ; and having no longer any part icipat ion in t he concerns of t his world, he has no longer any aut horit y in
direct ing w ho shall be it s governors, or how it s governm ent shall be organised, or how adm inist ered.
I am not cont ending for nor against any for m of governm ent , nor for nor against any par t y, here or elsew here. That which a whole nat ion chooses t o do it has a right t o do. Mr. Burke says, No. Where, t hen, does t he right exist ? I am cont ending for t he right s of t he living, and against t heir being willed away and cont rolled and cont ract ed for by t he m anuscript assum ed aut horit y of t he dead, and Mr. Burke is cont ending for t he
aut horit y of t he dead over t he right s and freedom of t he living. There w as a t im e w hen kings disposed of t heir crow ns by w ill upon t heir deat h- beds, and consigned t he people, like beast s of t he field, t o w hat ever successor t hey appoint ed. This is now so exploded as scarcely t o be rem em bered, and so m onst rous as hardly t o be believed. But t he Parliam ent ary clauses upon which Mr. Burke builds his polit ical church are of t he sam e nat ure.
The law s of every count ry m ust be analogous t o som e com m on pr inciple. I n England no parent or m ast er, nor all t he aut horit y of Parliam ent , om nipot ent as it has called it self, can bind or cont rol t he personal freedom even of an individual beyond t he age of t w ent y- one years. On what ground of right , t hen, could t he Parliam ent of 1688, or any ot her Par liam ent , bind all post erit y for ever ?
Those w ho have quit t ed t he w orld, and t hose w ho have not yet arrived at it , are as rem ot e fr om each ot her as t he ut m ost st ret ch of m ort al im aginat ion can conceive. What possible obligat ion, t hen, can exist bet w een t hem - w hat r ule or pr inciple can be laid down t hat of t wo nonent it ies, t he one out of exist ence and t he ot her not in, and who never can m eet in t his world, t he one should cont rol t he ot her t o t he end of t im e?
I n England it is said t hat m oney cannot be t aken out of t he pocket s of t he people wit hout t heir consent . But who aut hor ised, or w ho could aut horise, t he Parliam ent of 1688 t o cont rol and t ake away t he freedom of post erit y ( who were not in exist ence t o give or t o w it hhold t heir consent ) and lim it and confine t heir right of act ing in cert ain cases for ever?
subt ilt ies or absurdit ies has t he divine right t o govern been im posed on t he credulit y of m ankind? Mr. Burke has discovered a new one, and he has short ened his j ourney t o Rom e by appealing t o t he power of t his infallible Parliam ent of form er days, and he produces w hat it has done as of divine aut horit y, for t hat power m ust cert ainly be m ore t han hum an w hich no hum an pow er t o t he end of t im e can alt er.
But Mr. Burke has done som e service- not t o his cause, but t o his count r y- by bringing t hose clauses int o public view . They serve t o dem onst rat e how necessary it is at all t im es t o w at ch against t he at t em pt ed encroachm ent of pow er, and t o prevent it s running t o excess. I t is som ewhat ext r aordinary t hat t he offence for w hich Jam es I I . w as expelled, t hat of set t ing up pow er by assum pt ion, should be re- act ed, under anot her shape and for m , by t he Parliam ent t hat expelled him . I t show s t hat t he Right s of Man were but im perfect ly underst ood at t he Revolut ion, for cert ain it is t hat t he right which t hat Parliam ent set up by assum pt ion ( for by t he delegat ion it had not , and could not have it , because none could give it ) over t he persons and freedom of post erit y for ever was of t he sam e t yrannical unfounded kind which Jam es at t em pt ed t o set up over t he Parliam ent and t he nat ion, and for w hich he was expelled. The only difference is ( for in principle t hey differ not ) t hat t he one w as an usurper over living, and t he ot her over t he unborn; and as t he one has no bet t er aut horit y t o st and upon t han t he ot her, bot h of t hem m ust be equally null and void, and of no effect .
From w hat , or from whence, does Mr. Burke prove t he right of any hum an power t o bind post erit y for ever? He has produced his clauses, but he m ust produce also his proofs t hat such a right exist ed, and show how it exist ed. I f it ever exist ed it m ust now exist , for w hat ever apper t ains t o t he nat ure of m an cannot be annihilat ed by m an. I t is t he nat ure of m an t o die, and he w ill cont inue t o die as long as he cont inues t o be born. But Mr. Burke has set up a sort of polit ical Adam , in whom all post erit y are bound for ever. He m ust , t herefor e, prove t hat his Adam possessed such a pow er, or such a right .
The weaker any cord is, t he less w ill it bear t o be st ret ched, and t he worse is t he policy t o st ret ch it , unless it is int ended t o break it . Had anyone proposed t he overt hrow of Mr. Burke's posit ions, he w ould have proceeded as Mr. Burke has done. He w ould have m agnified t he aut horit ies, on purpose t o have called t he right of t hem int o quest ion; and t he inst ant t he quest ion of right w as st art ed, t he aut horit ies m ust have been given up.
I t requir es but a very sm all glance of t hought t o perceive t hat alt hough law s m ade in one generat ion oft en cont inue in force t hrough succeeding generat ions, yet t hey cont inue t o derive t heir force from t he consent of t he living. A law not repealed cont inues in force, not because it cannot be repealed, but because it is not repealed; and t he non- repealing passes for consent .
null, by at t em pt ing t o becom e im m ort al. The nat ure of t hem precludes consent . They dest roy t he right which t hey m ight have, by grounding it on a right which t hey cannot have. I m m ort al pow er is not a hum an right , and t herefore cannot be a right of
Parliam ent . The Parliam ent of 1688 m ight as well have passed an act t o have aut hor ised t hem selves t o live for ever, as t o m ake t heir aut horit y live for ever. All, t herefore, t hat can be said of t hose clauses is t hat t hey ar e a form alit y of w ords, of as m uch im port as if t hose who used t hem had addressed a congrat ulat ion t o t hem selves, and in t he orient al st yle of ant iquit y had said: O Parliam ent , live for ever!
The circum st ances of t he w orld are cont inually changing, and t he opinions of m en change also; and as governm ent is for t he living, and not for t he dead, it is t he living only t hat has any right in it . That which m ay be t hought right and found convenient in one age m ay be t hought wrong and found inconvenient in anot her. I n such cases, who is t o decide, t he living or t he dead?
As alm ost one hundred pages of Mr. Burke's book are em ployed upon t hese clauses, it will consequent ly follow t hat if t he clauses t hem selves, so far as t hey set up an
assum ed usurped dom inion over post erit y for ever, ar e unaut horit at ive, and in t heir nat ure null and void; t hat all his volum inous infer ences, and declam at ion dr awn t herefrom , or founded t hereon, are null and void also; and on t his ground I rest t he m at t er.
We now com e m ore part icularly t o t he affairs of France. Mr. Burke's book has t he appearance of being w rit t en as inst ruct ion t o t he Fr ench nat ion; but if I m ay perm it m yself t he use of an ext ravagant m et aphor, suit ed t o t he ext ravagance of t he case, it is darkness at t em pt ing t o illum inat e light .
While I am writ ing t his t here are accident ally before m e som e proposals for a
declarat ion of right s by t he Marquis de la Fayet t e ( I ask his par don for using his form er address, and do it only for dist inct ion's sake) t o t he Nat ional Assem bly, on t he 11t h of July, 1789, t hree days before t he t aking of t he Bast ille, and I cannot but rem ark w it h ast onishm ent how opposit e t he sources are from w hich t hat gent lem an and Mr. Burke draw t heir pr inciples. I nst ead of referr ing t o m ust y records and m ouldy parchm ent s t o prove t hat t he right s of t he living are lost , " renounced and abdicat ed for ever," by t hose who are now no m or e, as Mr. Burke has done, M. de la Fayet t e applies t o t he living world, and em phat ically says: " Call t o m ind t he sent im ent s which nat ure has engraved on t he heart of every cit izen, and which t ake a new force w hen t hey are solem nly recognised by all: - For a nat ion t o love libert y, it is sufficient t hat she knows it ; and t o be free, it is sufficient t hat she wills it ." How dry, barren, and obscure is t he source from which Mr. Burke labors! and how ineffect ual, t hough gay wit h flowers, are all his
not hing in t he heart .
As I have int roduced M. de la Fayet t e, I will t ake t he libert y of adding an anecdot e respect ing his farew ell address t o t he Congress of Am erica in 1783, and which occurred fresh t o m y m ind, w hen I saw Mr. Burke's t hundering at t ack on t he French Revolut ion. M. de la Fayet t e went t o Am erica at t he ear ly period of t he war, and cont inued a volunt eer in her service t o t he end. His conduct t hrough t he whole of t hat ent erprise is one of t he m ost ext raordinary t hat is t o be found in t he hist ory of a young m an,
scarcely t w ent y years of age. Sit uat ed in a count ry t hat was like t he lap of sensual pleasure, and wit h t he m eans of enj oying it , how few are t here t o be found w ho w ould exchange such a scene for t he w oods and w ildernesses of Am erica, and pass t he flowery years of yout h in unprofit able danger and hardship! but such is t he fact . When t he war ended, and he was on t he point of t aking his final depart ure, he present ed him self t o Congress, and cont em plat ing in his affect ionat e farewell t he Revolut ion he had seen, expressed him self in t hese w ords: " May t his great m onum ent raised t o libert y serve as a lesson t o t he oppressor, and an exam ple t o t he oppressed! " When t his
address cam e t o t he hands of Dr. Franklin, who was t hen in France, he applied t o Count Vergennes t o have it insert ed in t he French Gazet t e, but never could obt ain his consent . The fact w as t hat Count Vergennes w as an arist ocrat ical despot at hom e, and dreaded t he exam ple of t he Am erican Revolut ion in France, as cert ain ot her persons now dread t he exam ple of t he French Revolut ion in England, and Mr. Burke's t ribut e of fear ( for in t his light his book m ust be considered) runs parallel wit h Count Vergennes' refusal. But t o ret urn m ore part icularly t o his w ork.
" We have seen," says Mr. Burke, " t he French rebel against a m ild and law ful m onarch, wit h m ore fury, out rage, and insult , t han any people has been know n t o rise against t he m ost illegal usurper, or t he m ost sanguinary t yrant ." This is one am ong a t housand ot her inst ances, in which Mr. Burke shows t hat he is ignorant of t he springs and principles of t he French Revolut ion.
I t w as not against Louis XVI . but against t he despot ic principles of t he Governm ent , t hat t he nat ion revolt ed. These principles had not t heir origin in him , but in t he original est ablishm ent , m any cent uries back: and t hey w ere becom e t oo deeply root ed t o be rem oved, and t he Augean st ables of parasit es and plunderers t oo abom inably filt hy t o be cleansed by anyt hing short of a com plet e and universal Revolut ion. When it becom es necessary t o do anyt hing, t he whole heart and soul should go int o t he m easure, or not at t em pt it . That crisis w as t hen arrived, and t here rem ained no choice but t o act w it h det erm ined vigor, or not t o act at all. The king w as know n t o be t he friend of t he nat ion, and t his circum st ance was favorable t o t he ent erprise. Perhaps no m an bred up in t he st yle of an absolut e king, ever possessed a heart so lit t le disposed t o t he exercise of t hat species of power as t he present King of France. But t he principles of t he
against t he person or principles of t he form er, t hat t he revolt com m enced, and t he Revolut ion has been carried.
Mr. Burke does not at t end t o t he dist inct ion bet ween m en and principles, and, t herefore, he does not see t hat a revolt m ay t ake place against t he despot ism of t he lat t er, while t here lies no charge of despot ism against t he form er.
The nat ural m oder at ion of Louis XVI . cont ribut ed not hing t o alt er t he heredit ary despot ism of t he m onarchy. All t he t yrannies of form er reigns, act ed under t hat
heredit ary despot ism , w ere st ill liable t o be revived in t he hands of a successor. I t was not t he respit e of a reign t hat would sat isfy France, enlight ened as she was t hen
becom e. A casual discont inuance of t he pract ice of despot ism , is not a discont inuance of it s principles: t he form er depends on t he virt ue of t he individual who is in im m ediat e possession of t he pow er; t he lat t er, on t he virt ue and fort it ude of t he nat ion. I n t he case of Charles I . and Jam es I I . of England, t he revolt was against t he personal despot ism of t he m en; w hereas in France, it w as against t he heredit ary despot ism of t he est ablished Governm ent . But m en w ho can consign over t he right s of post erit y for ever on t he aut horit y of a m ouldy parchm ent , like Mr. Burke, are not qualified t o j udge of t his Revolut ion. I t t akes in a field t oo vast for t heir views t o explore, and pr oceeds wit h a m ight iness of reason t hey cannot keep pace wit h.
But t here are m any point s of view in which t his Revolut ion m ay be considered. When despot ism has est ablished it self for ages in a count ry, as in Fr ance, it is not in t he person of t he king only t hat it resides. I t has t he appearance of being so in show, and in nom inal aut horit y; but it is not so in pract ice and in fact . I t has it s st andard
everyw here. Every office and depart m ent has it s despot ism , founded upon cust om and usage. Every place has it s Bast ille, and every Bast ille it s despot . The original heredit ary despot ism resident in t he person of t he king, divides and sub- divides it self int o a
t housand shapes and form s, t ill at last t he w hole of it is act ed by deput at ion. This w as t he case in France; and against t his species of despot ism , proceeding on t hrough an endless labyrint h of office t ill t he source of it is scarcely percept ible, t here is no m ode of redress. I t st rengt hens it self by assum ing t he appearance of dut y, and t yrannies under t he pr et ence of obeying.
everyt hing t hat passed m ust be known t o it s com m anding officer, and no oppr ession could be act ed but w hat he could im m ediat ely cont rol. Mr. Burke m ight have been in t he Bast ille his w hole life, as w ell under Louis XVI . as Louis XI V., and neit her t he one nor t he ot her have know n t hat such a m an as Burke exist ed. The despot ic principles of t he governm ent w ere t he sam e in bot h reigns, t hough t he disposit ions of t he m en were as rem ot e as t yranny and benevolence.
What Mr. Burke considers as a reproach t o t he French Revolut ion ( t hat of bringing it forw ard under a reign m or e m ild t han t he preceding ones) is one of it s highest honors. The Revolut ions t hat have t aken place in ot her European count ries, have been excit ed by personal hat red. The rage was against t he m an, and he becam e t he vict im . But , in t he inst ance of France we see a Revolut ion generat ed in t he rat ional cont em plat ion of t he Right s of Man, and dist inguishing from t he beginning bet ween persons and
principles.
But Mr. Burke appears t o have no idea of principles when he is cont em plat ing
Governm ent s. " Ten years ago," says he, " I could have felicit at ed France on her having a Governm ent , wit hout inquiring what t he nat ure of t hat Governm ent w as, or how it w as adm inist ered." I s t his t he language of a rat ional m an? I s it t he language of a heart feeling as it ought t o feel for t he right s and happiness of t he hum an race? On t his ground, Mr. Burke m ust com plim ent all t he Governm ent s in t he w orld, while t he vict im s who suffer under t hem , w het her sold int o slavery, or t ort ured out of exist ence, are wholly forgot t en. I t is pow er, and not principles, t hat Mr. Burke venerat es; and under t his abom inable depravit y he is disqualified t o j udge bet ween t hem . Thus m uch for his opinion as t o t he occasions of t he French Revolut ion. I now proceed t o ot her
considerat ions.
I know a place in Am erica called Point - no- Point , because as you proceed along t he shore, gay and flowery as Mr. Burke's language, it cont inually recedes and present s it self at a dist ance before you; but w hen you have got as far as you can go, t here is no point at all. Just t hus it is wit h Mr. Burk e's t hree hundred and sixt y- six pages. I t is t herefore difficult t o reply t o him . But as t he point s he wishes t o est ablish m ay be inferred from w hat he abuses, it is in his paradoxes t hat w e m ust look for his argum ent s.
As t o t he t ragic paint ings by which Mr. Burke has out raged his ow n im aginat ion, and seeks t o work upon t hat of his readers, t hey ar e ver y well calculat ed for t heat rical represent at ion, where fact s are m anufact ured for t he sake of show, and accom m odat ed t o produce, t hrough t he weakness of sym pat hy, a w eeping effect . But Mr. Burke should recollect t hat he is writ ing hist ory, and not plays, and t hat his readers w ill expect t rut h, and not t he spout ing rant of high- t oned exclam at ion.
" The age of chivalry is gone! t hat The glory of Europe is ext inguished for ever! t hat The unbought gr ace of life ( if anyone know s w hat it is) , t he cheap defence of nat ions, t he nur se of m anly sent im ent and heroic ent erprise is gone! " and all t his because t he Quixot age of chivalry nonsense is gone, w hat opinion can we form of his j udgm ent , or what regard can we pay t o his fact s? I n t he rhapsody of his im aginat ion he has
discovered a world of wind m ills, and his sorrows are t hat t here are no Quixot s t o at t ack t hem . But if t he age of arist ocracy, like t hat of chivalry, should fall ( and t hey had
originally som e connect ion) Mr. Burke, t he t rum pet er of t he Order, m ay cont inue his parody t o t he end, and finish w it h exclaim ing: " Ot hello's occupat ion's gone! "
Not w it hst anding Mr. Burke's horrid paint ings, w hen t he Fr ench Revolut ion is com pared wit h t he Revolut ions of ot her count ries, t he ast onishm ent will be t hat it is m arked wit h so few sacrifices; but t his ast onishm ent will cease when we reflect t hat principles, and not persons, w ere t he m edit at ed obj ect s of dest ruct ion. The m ind of t he nat ion w as act ed upon by a higher st im ulus t han what t he considerat ion of persons could inspire, and sought a higher conquest t han could be produced by t he downfall of an enem y. Am ong t he few who fell t here do not appear t o be any t hat w ere int ent ionally singled out . They all of t hem had t heir fat e in t he circum st ances of t he m om ent , and w ere not pursued wit h t hat long, cold- blooded unabat ed revenge which pursued t he unfort unat e Scot ch in t he affair of 1745.
Through t he w hole of Mr. Burke's book I do not observe t hat t he Bast ille is m ent ioned m ore t han once, and t hat wit h a kind of im plicat ion as if he were sorry it was pulled down, and wished it w ere built up again. " We have rebuilt Newgat e," says he, " and t enant ed t he m ansion; and w e have prisons alm ost as st rong as t he Bast ille for t hose who dare t o libel t he queens of France." *[ 2] As t o what a m adm an like t he person called Lord George Gordon m ight say, and t o w hom New gat e is rat her a bedlam t han a prison, it is unwort hy a rat ional considerat ion. I t w as a m adm an t hat libelled, and t hat is sufficient apology; and it afforded an opport unit y for confining him , w hich w as t he t hing t hat w as w ished for. But cert ain it is t hat Mr. Burke, w ho does not call him self a m adm an ( w hat ever ot her people m ay do) , has libelled in t he m ost unpr ovoked m anner , and in t he grossest st yle of t he m ost vulgar abuse, t he w hole represent at ive aut horit y of France, and yet Mr. Burke t akes his seat in t he Brit ish House of Com m ons! From his violence and his grief, his silence on som e point s and his excess on ot hers, it is difficult not t o believe t hat Mr. Burke is sorry, ext rem ely sorry, t hat arbit rary pow er, t he pow er of t he Pope and t he Bast ille, are pulled dow n.
Not one glance of com passion, not one com m iserat ing reflect ion t hat I can find
bird. Accust om ed t o kiss t he arist ocrat ical hand t hat hat h purloined him from him self, he degenerat es int o a com posit ion of art , and t he genuine soul of nat ure forsakes him . His hero or his heroine m ust be a t ragedy- vict im expiring in show , and not t he real prisoner of m isery, sliding int o deat h in t he silence of a dungeon.
As Mr. Burke has passed over t he w hole t ransact ion of t he Bast ille ( and his silence is not hing in his favour) , and has ent ert ained his readers w it h refect ions on supposed fact s dist ort ed int o real falsehoods, I will give, since he has not , som e account of t he circum st ances w hich preceded t hat t ransact ion. They will serve t o show t hat less m ischief could scarcely have accom panied such an event when considered w it h t he t reacher ous and host ile aggravat ions of t he enem ies of t he Revolut ion.
The m ind can hardly pict ure t o it self a m ore t rem endous scene t han what t he cit y of Paris exhibit ed at t he t im e of t aking t he Bast ille, and for t w o days before and aft er, nor perceive t he possibilit y of it s quiet ing so soon. At a dist ance t his t ransact ion has
appeared only as an act of her oism st anding on it self, and t he close polit ical connect ion it had wit h t he Revolut ion is lost in t he brilliancy of t he achievem ent . But we are t o consider it as t he st rengt h of t he part ies brought m an t o m an, and cont ending for t he issue. The Bast ille w as t o be eit her t he prize or t he prison of t he assailant s. The downfall of it included t he idea of t he downfall of despot ism , and t his com pounded im age w as becom e as figurat ively unit ed as Bunyan's Doubt ing Cast le and Giant Despair.
The Nat ional Assem bly, before and at t he t im e of t aking t he Bast ille, w as sit t ing at Versailles, t w elve m iles dist ant from Paris. About a week before t he rising of t he
Part isans, and t heir t aking t he Bast ille, it was discovered t hat a plot was form ing, at t he head of which was t he Count D'Art ois, t he king's youngest brot her, for dem olishing t he Nat ional Assem bly, seizing it s m em bers, and t hereby crushing, by a coup de m ain, all hopes and prospect s of form ing a free governm ent . For t he sake of hum anit y, as w ell as freedom , it is w ell t his plan did not succeed. Exam ples are. not w ant ing t o show how dreadfully vindict ive and cruel are all old governm ent s, w hen t hey are successful against what t hey call a revolt .
t his m an as described t o m e in a let t er which I com m unicat ed t o Mr. Burke before he began t o w rit e his book, and fr om an aut horit y w hich Mr. Burke w ell knows w as good, was t hat of " a high- flying arist ocrat , cool, and capable of every m ischief."
While t hese m at t ers w ere agit at ing, t he Nat ional Assem bly st ood in t he m ost perilous and cr it ical sit uat ion t hat a body of m en can be supposed t o act in. They were t he devot ed vict im s, and t hey knew it . They had t he heart s and wishes of t heir count ry on t heir side, but m ilit ary aut horit y t hey had none. The guards of Broglio surrounded t he hall w her e t he Assem bly sat , ready, at t he w ord of com m and, t o seize t heir persons, as had been done t he year before t o t he Parliam ent of Paris. Had t he Nat ional Assem bly desert ed t heir t rust , or had t hey exhibit ed signs of weakness or fear, t heir enem ies had been encouraged and t heir count ry depressed. When t he sit uat ion t hey st ood in, t he cause t hey w ere engaged in, and t he crisis t hen ready t o burst , which should det erm ine t heir personal and polit ical fat e and t hat of t heir count ry, and probably of Europe, are t aken int o one view, none but a heart callous wit h prej udice or corrupt ed by
dependence can avoid int erest ing it self in t heir success.
The Archbishop of Vienne was at t his t im e President of t he Nat ional Assem bly- a person t oo old t o undergo t he scene t hat a few days or a few hours m ight bring fort h. A m an of m ore act ivit y and bolder fort it ude was necessary, and t he Nat ional Assem bly chose ( under t he form of a Vice- President , for t he Presidency st ill resided in t he Archbishop) M. de la Fayet t e; and t his is t he only inst ance of a Vice- President being chosen. I t was at t he m om ent t hat t his st orm w as pending ( July 11t h) t hat a declarat ion of right s was brought forward by M. de la Fayet t e, and is t he sam e which is alluded t o earlier. I t was hast ily drawn up, and m akes only a part of t he m ore ext ensive declar at ion of right s agreed upon and adopt ed aft erwards by t he Nat ional Assem bly. The part icular r eason for bringing it forward at t his m om ent ( M. de la Fayet t e has since inform ed m e) was t hat , if t he Nat ional Assem bly should fall in t he t hreat ened dest ruct ion t hat t hen surrounded it , som e t race of it s pr inciples m ight have t he chance of surviving t he wreck.
Everyt hing now w as draw ing t o a cr isis. The event w as freedom or slavery. On one side, an arm y of nearly t hirt y t housand m en; on t he ot her, an unarm ed body of cit izens- for t he cit izens of Paris, on w hom t he Nat ional Assem bly m ust t hen im m ediat ely depend, were as unarm ed and as undisciplined as t he cit izens of London are now. The French guards had given st rong sym pt om s of t heir being at t ached t o t he nat ional cause; but t heir num bers w ere sm all, not a t ent h part of t he for ce t hat Broglio com m anded, and t heir officers w ere in t he int erest of Br oglio.
ent ert ainm ent , shops and houses, w ere shut up. The change of m inist ry w as considered as t he prelude of host ilit ies, and t he opinion w as right ly founded.
The foreign t roops began t o advance t owards t he cit y. The Prince de Lam besc, who com m anded a body of Germ an cavalry, approached by t he Place of Louis Xv., w hich connect s it self w it h som e of t he st reet s. I n his m arch, he insult ed and st ruck an old m an wit h a sw ord. The French are rem arkable for t heir respect t o old age; and t he insolence w it h w hich it appeared t o be done, unit ing w it h t he general ferm ent at ion t hey were in, produced a powerful effect , and a cry of " To arm s! t o arm s! " spread it self in a m om ent over t he cit y.
Ar m s t hey had none, nor scarcely anyone who knew t he use of t hem ; but desperat e resolut ion, when every hope is at st ake, supplies, for a while, t he want of ar m s. Near where t he Prince de Lam besc was drawn up, were large piles of st ones collect ed for building t he new bridge, and wit h t hese t he people at t acked t he cavalry. A part y of French guards upon hearing t he firing, rushed fr om t heir quart ers and j oined t he people; and night com ing on, t he cavalry ret reat ed.
The st reet s of Paris, being nar row, are favourable for defence, and t he loft iness of t he houses, consist ing of m any st ories, from which great annoyance m ight be given, secured t hem against noct urnal ent erprises; and t he night w as spent in providing t hem selves wit h every sort of weapon t hey could m ake or procure: guns, sw ords, blacksm it hs' ham m ers, carpent ers' axes, ir on crow s, pikes, halbert s, pit chforks, spit s, clubs, et c., et c. The incredible num bers in w hich t hey assem bled t he next m orning, and t he st ill m ore incredible resolut ion t hey exhibit ed, em barrassed and ast onished t heir enem ies. Lit t le did t he new m inist ry expect such a salut e. Accust om ed t o slavery t hem selves, t hey had no idea t hat libert y w as capable of such inspirat ion, or t hat a body of unarm ed cit izens would dare t o face t he m ilit ary force of t hirt y t housand m en. Every m om ent of t his day was em ployed in collect ing arm s, concert ing plans, and arranging t hem selves int o t he best order which such an inst ant aneous m ovem ent could afford. Broglio cont inued lying round t he cit y, but m ade no furt her advances t his day, and t he succeeding night passed wit h as m uch t ranquilit y as such a scene could possibly produce.
But defence only was not t he obj ect of t he cit izens. They had a cause at st ake, on which depended t heir freedom or t heir slavery. They every m om ent expect ed an at t ack, or t o hear of one m ade on t he Nat ional Assem bly; and in such a sit uat ion, t he m ost prom pt m easur es ar e som et im es t he best . The obj ect t hat now pr esent ed it self w as t he
t he Bast ille t he ensuing evening. I t w as t herefore necessary t o at t ack it t hat day; but before t his could be done, it w as first necessary t o procure a bet t er supply of arm s t han t hey w ere t hen possessed of.
There was, adj oining t o t he cit y a large m agazine of arm s deposit ed at t he Hospit al of t he I nvalids, w hich t he cit izens sum m oned t o surrender; and as t he place was neit her defensible, nor at t em pt ed m uch defence, t hey soon succeeded. Thus supplied, t hey m arched t o at t ack t he Bast ille; a vast m ixed m ult it ude of all ages, and of all degrees, arm ed wit h all sort s of weapons. I m aginat ion would fail in describing t o it self t he appearance of such a pr ocession, and of t he anxiet y of t he event s w hich a few hours or a few m inut es m ight produce. What plans t he m inist ry w ere form ing, w ere as unknow n t o t he people w it hin t he cit y, as w hat t he cit izens were doing was unknown t o t he m inist ry; and w hat m ovem ent s Broglio m ight m ake for t he support or relief of t he place, wer e t o t he cit izens equally as unknow n. All was m yst ery and hazard.
That t he Bast ille w as at t acked w it h an ent husiasm of heroism , such only as t he highest anim at ion of libert y could inspir e, and carried in t he space of a few hours, is an event w hich t he w orld is fully possessed of. I am not undert aking t he det ail of t he at t ack, but bringing int o view t he conspiracy against t he nat ion which provoked it , and which fell w it h t he Bast ille. The prison t o w hich t he new m inist ry w ere doom ing t he Nat ional Assem bly, in addit ion t o it s being t he high alt ar and cast le of despot ism , becam e t he proper obj ect t o begin wit h. This ent erprise broke up t he new m inist ry, who began now t o fly from t he ruin t hey had prepared for ot hers. The t roops of Broglio dispersed, and him self fled also.
Mr. Burke has spoken a great deal about plot s, but he has never once spoken of t his plot against t he Nat ional Assem bly, and t he libert ies of t he nat ion; and t hat he m ight not , he has passed over all t he circum st ances t hat m ight t hrow it in his way. The exiles who have fled from France, whose case he so m uch int erest s him self in, and from whom he has had his lesson, fled in consequence of t he m iscarriage of t his plot . No plot w as form ed against t hem ; t hey w ere plot t ing against ot hers; and t hose who fell, m et , not unj ust ly, t he punishm ent t hey w ere preparing t o execut e. But will Mr. Burke say t hat if t his plot , cont rived w it h t he subt ilt y of an am buscade, had succeeded, t he successful par t y would have rest rained t heir w rat h so soon? Let t he hist ory of all governm ent s answer t he quest ion.
Whom has t he Nat ional Assem bly brought t o t he scaffold? None. They were t hem selves t he devot ed vict im s of t his plot , and t hey have not ret aliat ed; why, t hen, are t hey charged wit h revenge t hey have not act ed? I n t he t r em endous breaking fort h of a whole people, in which all degrees, t em pers and charact ers are confounded, delivering
t hem selves, by a m iracle of exert ion, fr om t he dest ruct ion m edit at ed against t hem , is it t o be expect ed t hat not hing w ill happen? When m en ar e sore wit h t he sense of
philosophy or t he palsy of insensibilit y t o be looked for? Mr . Burke exclaim s against out rage; yet t he great est is t hat which him self has com m it t ed. His book is a volum e of out rage, not apologised for by t he im pulse of a m om ent , but cherished t hrough a space of t en m ont hs; yet Mr. Burke had no provocat ion- no life, no int erest , at st ake.
More of t he cit izens fell in t his st ruggle t han of t heir opponent s: but four or five persons w ere seized by t he populace, and inst ant ly put t o deat h; t he Governor of t he Bast ille, and t he Mayor of Paris, who w as det ect ed in t he act of bet raying t hem ; and aft erwards Foulon, one of t he new m inist ry, and Bert hier, his son- in- law , w ho had accept ed t he office of int endant of Paris. Their heads w ere st uck upon spikes, and carried about t he cit y; and it is upon t his m ode of punishm ent t hat Mr. Burke builds a great part of his t ragic scene. Let us t her efore exam ine how m en cam e by t he idea of punishing in t his m anner.
They lear n it from t he governm ent s t hey live under; and ret aliat e t he punishm ent s t hey have been accust om ed t o behold. The heads st uck upon spikes, which rem ained for years upon Tem ple Bar, differed not hing in t he horror of t he scene from t hose carried about upon spikes at Paris; yet t his was done by t he English Governm ent . I t m ay perhaps be said t hat it signifies not hing t o a m an what is done t o him aft er he is dead; but it signifies m uch t o t he living; it eit her t ort ures t heir feelings or hardens t heir heart s, and in eit her case it inst ruct s t hem how t o punish when power falls int o t heir hands.
Lay t hen t he axe t o t he root , and t each governm ent s hum anit y. I t is t heir sanguinar y punishm ent s w hich corrupt m ankind. I n England t he punishm ent in cert ain cases is by hanging, draw ing and quart ering; t he heart of t he sufferer is cut out and held up t o t he view of t he populace. I n Fr ance, under t he form er Governm ent , t he punishm ent s w ere not less barbarous. Who does not rem em ber t he execut ion of Dam ien, t orn t o pieces by horses? The effect of t hose cruel spect acles exhibit ed t o t he populace is t o dest roy t enderness or excit e revenge; and by t he base and false idea of governing m en by t error, inst ead of reason, t hey becom e pr ecedent s. I t is over t he lowest class of m ankind t hat governm ent by t error is int ended t o operat e, and it is on t hem t hat it operat es t o t he w orst effect . They have sense enough t o feel t hey are t he obj ect s aim ed at ; and t hey inflict in t heir t urn t he exam ples of t error t hey have been inst ruct ed t o pract ise.
There is in all European count r ies a large class of people of t hat descript ion, which in England is called t he " m ob." Of t his class were t hose who com m it t ed t he burnings and devast at ions in London in 1780, and of t his class w ere t hose w ho carried t he heads on iron spikes in Paris. Foulon and Bert hier w ere t aken up in t he count ry, and sent t o Paris, t o undergo t heir exam inat ion at t he Hot el de Ville; for t he Nat ional Assem bly,
t he m inist ry, of w hich Foulon w as one, responsible for t he m easures t hey were advising and pursuing; but t he m ob, incensed at t he appearance of Foulon and Bert hier, t ore t hem from t heir conduct ors before t hey w ere carried t o t he Hot el de Ville, and execut ed t hem on t he spot . Why t hen does Mr. Burke charge out rages of t his kind on a w hole people? As well m ay he charge t he riot s and out r ages of 1780 on all t he people of London, or t hose in I reland on all his count rym en.
But everyt hing w e see or hear offensive t o our feelings and derogat ory t o t he hum an charact er should lead t o ot her r eflect ions t han t hose of reproach. Even t he beings w ho com m it t hem have som e claim t o our considerat ion. How t hen is it t hat such vast classes of m ankind as are dist inguished by t he appellat ion of t he vulgar, or t he ignorant m ob, are so num erous in all old count r ies? The inst ant we ask ourselves t his quest ion, reflect ion feels an answ er. They rise, as an unavoidable consequence, out of t he ill const ruct ion of all old governm ent s in Europe, England included w it h t he rest . I t is by dist ort edly exalt ing som e m en, t hat ot hers are dist ort edly debased, t ill t he w hole is out of nat ure. A vast m ass of m ankind are degradedly t hrown int o t he back- ground of t he hum an pict ure, t o br ing forward, wit h great er glare, t he puppet - show of st at e and arist ocracy. I n t he com m encem ent of a revolut ion, t hose m en are rat her t he followers of t he cam p t han of t he st andard of libert y, and have yet t o be inst ruct ed how t o reverence it .
I give t o Mr. Burke all his t heat r ical exaggerat ions for fact s, and I t hen ask him if t hey do not est ablish t he cert aint y of w hat I here lay dow n? Adm it t ing t hem t o be t rue, t hey show t he necessit y of t he French Revolut ion, as m uch as any one t hing he could have assert ed. These out r ages w ere not t he effect of t he principles of t he Revolut ion, but of t he degraded m ind t hat exist ed before t he Revolut ion, and w hich t he Revolut ion is calculat ed t o reform . Place t hem t hen t o t heir proper cause, and t ake t he reproach of t hem t o your ow n side.
I t is t he honour of t he Nat ional Assem bly and t he cit y of Paris t hat , during such a t rem endous scene of arm s and confusion, beyond t he cont rol of all aut horit y, t hey have been able, by t he influence of exam ple and exhort at ion, t o rest rain so m uch. Never w ere m ore pains t aken t o inst ruct and enlight en m ankind, and t o m ake t hem see t hat t heir int erest consist ed in t heir virt ue, and not in t heir revenge, t han have been displayed in t he Revolut ion of France. I now proceed t o m ake som e rem arks on Mr. Burke's account of t he expedit ion t o Versailles, Oct ober t he 5t h and 6t h.
I can consider Mr. Burke's book in scarcely any ot her light t han a dram at ic
he t hen w orks up a t ale accom m odat ed t o his ow n passions and prej udices.
I t is t o be observed t hroughout Mr. Burke's book t hat he never speaks of plot s against t he Revolut ion; and it is from t hose plot s t hat all t he m ischiefs have arisen. I t suit s his purpose t o exhibit t he consequences w it hout t heir causes. I t is one of t he art s of t he dram a t o do so. I f t he crim es of m en w ere exhibit ed wit h t heir sufferings, st age effect w ould som et im es be lost , and t he audience w ould be inclined t o approve w here it w as int ended t hey should com m iserat e.
Aft er all t he invest igat ions t hat have been m ade int o t his int ricat e affair ( t he expedit ion t o Versailles) , it st ill rem ains enveloped in all t hat kind of m yst ery which ever
accom panies event s pr oduced m ore from a concurrence of awkward circum st ances t han from fixed design. While t he charact ers of m en are form ing, as is alw ays t he case in revolut ions, t here is a reciprocal suspicion, and a disposit ion t o m isint erpret each ot her; and even part ies direct ly opposit e in principle w ill som et im es concur in pushing forw ard t he sam e m ovem ent w it h very different view s, and w it h t he hopes of it s producing very different consequences. A great deal of t his m ay be discovered in t his em barrassed affair, and yet t he issue of t he w hole was what nobody had in view .
The only t hings cert ainly know n are t hat considerable uneasiness w as at t his t im e excit ed at Paris by t he delay of t he King in not sanct ioning and forw arding t he decrees of t he Nat ional Assem bly, part icularly t hat of t he Declarat ion of t he Right s of Man, and t he decrees of t he fourt h of August , which cont ained t he foundat ion pr inciples on which t he const it ut ion w as t o be erect ed. The kindest , and perhaps t he fairest conj ect ure upon t his m at t er is, t hat som e of t he m inist ers int ended t o m ake rem arks and observat ions upon cert ain part s of t hem before t hey w ere finally sanct ioned and sent t o t he
provinces; but be t his as it m ay, t he enem ies of t he Revolut ion derived hope from t he delay, and t he friends of t he Revolut ion uneasiness.
During t his st at e of suspense, t he Garde du Corps, which was com posed as such regim ent s generally are, of persons m uch connect ed w it h t he Court , gave an
not been for t he m oderat ing pr udence of t hose whom Mr. Burke involves in his
censur es. By his keeping t he Garde du Corps out of sight Mr. Bur ke has afforded him self t he dr am at ic licence of put t ing t he King and Queen in t heir places, as if t he obj ect of t he expedit ion was against t hem . But t o ret urn t o m y account This conduct of t he Garde du Corps, as m ight well be expect ed, alarm ed and enraged t he Part isans. The colors of t he cause, and t he cause it self, were becom e t oo unit ed t o m ist ake t he int ent ion of t he insult , and t he Part isans were det erm ined t o call t he Garde du Corps t o an account . There w as cert ainly not hing of t he cowardice of assassinat ion in m arching in t he face of t he day t o dem and sat isfact ion, if such a phrase m ay be used, of a body of arm ed m en w ho had volunt arily given defiance. But t he circum st ance which serves t o t hrow t his affair int o em barrassm ent is, t hat t he enem ies of t he Revolut ion appear t o have
encouraged it as w ell as it s friends. The one hoped t o prevent a civil war by checking it in t im e, and t he ot her t o m ake one. The hopes of t hose opposed t o t he Revolut ion rest ed in m aking t he King of t heir part y, and get t ing him from Versailles t o Met z, where t hey expect ed t o collect a force and set up a st andard. We have, t herefore, t wo
different obj ect s pr esent ing t hem selves at t he sam e t im e, and t o be accom plished by t he sam e m eans: t he one t o chast ise t he Garde du Corps, which w as t he obj ect of t he Part isans; t he ot her t o render t he confusion of such a scene an inducem ent t o t he King t o set off for Met z.
On t he 5t h of Oct ober a very num erous body of w om en, and m en in t he disguise of wom en, collect ed around t he Hot el de Ville or t ow n- hall at Paris, and set off for Versailles. Their pr ofessed obj ect w as t he Garde du Corps; but pr udent m en readily recollect t hat m ischief is m ore easily begun t han ended; and t his im pressed it self w it h t he m ore force from t he suspicions already st at ed, and t he irregularit y of such a
cavalcade. As soon, t herefor e, as a sufficient force could be collect ed, M. de la Fayet t e, by orders from t he civil aut horit y of Par is, set off aft er t hem at t he head of t w ent y t housand of t he Paris m ilit ia. The Revolut ion could derive no benefit from confusion, and it s opposers m ight . By an am iable and spirit ed m anner of address he had hit hert o been fort unat e in calm ing disquiet udes, and in t his he w as ext raordinarily successful; t o frust rat e, t herefor e, t he hopes of t hose who m ight seek t o im prove t his scene int o a sort of j ust ifiable necessit y for t he King's quit t ing Versailles and w it hdraw ing t o Met z, and t o prevent at t he sam e t im e t he consequences t hat m ight ensue bet ween t he Garde du Corps and t his phalanx of m en and wom en, he forw arded expresses t o t he King, t hat he w as on his m arch t o Versailles, by t he orders of t he civil aut horit y of Paris, for t he purpose of peace and prot ect ion, expressing at t he sam e t im e t he necessit y of rest raining t he Garde du Corps from firing upon t he people.*[ 3]
sent for t he President of t he Nat ional Assem bly, and signed t he Declarat ion of t he Right s of Man, and such ot her part s of t he const it ut ion as were in readiness.
I t was now about one in t he m orning. Everyt hing appear ed t o be com posed, and a general congrat ulat ion t ook place. By t he beat of a drum a proclam at ion was m ade t hat t he cit izens of Versailles would give t he hospit alit y of t heir houses t o t heir
fellow-cit izens of Paris. Those w ho could not be accom m odat ed in t his m anner rem ained in t he st reet s, or t ook up t heir quart ers in t he churches; and at t wo o'clock t he King and Queen ret ired.
I n t his st at e m at t ers passed t ill t he break of day, when a fresh dist urbance arose from t he censurable conduct of som e of bot h part ies, for such charact ers t here will be in all such scenes. One of t he Garde du Corps appeared at one of t he w indows of t he palace, and t he people w ho had rem ained during t he night in t he st reet s accost ed him w it h reviling and provocat ive language. I nst ead of ret iring, as in such a case prudence w ould have dict at ed, he present ed his m usket , fired, and killed one of t he Paris m ilit ia. The peace being t hus br oken, t he people rushed int o t he palace in quest of t he offender. They at t acked t he quart ers of t he Garde du Corps w it hin t he palace, and pursued t hem t hroughout t he avenues of it , and t o t he apart m ent s of t he King. On t his t um ult , not t he Queen only, as Mr. Burke has represent ed it , but every person in t he palace, was
aw akened and alarm ed; and M. de la Fayet t e had a second t im e t o int erpose bet w een t he part ies, t he event of which was t hat t he Garde du Corps put on t he nat ional cockade, and t he m at t er ended as by oblivion, aft er t he loss of t w o or t hree lives.
During t he lat t er part of t he t im e in which t his confusion w as act ing, t he King and Queen w ere in public at t he balcony, and neit her of t hem concealed for safet y's sake, as Mr. Burke insinuat es. Mat t ers being t hus appeased, and t ranquilit y rest or ed, a general acclam at ion broke fort h of Le Roi a Paris- Le Roi a Paris- The King t o Paris. I t w as t he shout of peace, and im m ediat ely accept ed on t he part of t he King. By t his m easure all fut ure proj ect s of t rapanning t he King t o Met z, and set t ing up t he st andard of opposit ion t o t he const it ut ion, w ere prevent ed, and t he suspicions ext inguished. The King and his fam ily reached Paris in t he evening, and were congrat ulat ed on t heir arrival by M. Bailly, t he Mayor of Paris, in t he nam e of t he cit izens. Mr. Burke, who t hroughout his book confounds t hings, persons, and principles, as in his rem arks on M. Bailly's address, confounded t im e also. He censures M. Bailly for calling it " un bon j our," a good day. Mr. Burke should have inform ed him self t hat t his scene t ook up t he space of t w o days, t he day on which it began wit h every appearance of danger and m ischief, and t he day on which it t erm inat ed wit hout t he m ischiefs t hat t hreat ened; and t hat it is t o t his peaceful t erm inat ion t hat M. Bailly alludes, and t o t he arrival of t he King at Paris. Not less t han t hree hundred t housand persons arranged t hem selves in t he pr ocession from Versailles t o Paris, and not an act of m olest at ion w as com m it t ed during t he w hole m arch.
says t hat on ent ering Paris, t he people shout ed " Tous les eveques a la lant erne." All Bishops t o be hanged at t he lant hor n or lam p- post s. I t is surprising t hat nobody could hear t his but Lally Tollendal, and t hat nobody should believe it but Mr. Burke. I t has not t he least connect ion wit h any part of t he t ransact ion, and is t ot ally foreign t o every circum st ance of it . The Bishops had never been int roduced before int o any scene of Mr. Burke's dr am a: w hy t hen are t hey, all at once, and alt oget her, t out a coup, et t ous ensem ble, int roduced now? Mr. Burke brings forward his Bishops and his lant horn- like figures in a m agic lant horn, and raises his scenes by cont rast inst ead of connect ion. But it serves t o show, wit h t he rest of his book w hat lit t le credit ought t o be given w here even probabilit y is set at defiance, for t he purpose of defam ing; and wit h t his reflect ion, inst ead of a soliloquy in praise of chivalry, as Mr. Burke has done, I close t he account of t he expedit ion t o Versailles.*[ 4]
I have now t o follow Mr. Burke t hrough a pat hless w ilderness of rhapsodies, and a sort of descant upon governm ent s, in w hich he assert s w hat ever he pleases, on t he
presum pt ion of it s being believed, w it hout offering eit her evidence or reasons for so doing.
Before anyt hing can be reasoned upon t o a conclusion, cert ain fact s, principles, or dat a, t o reason from , m ust be est ablished, adm it t ed, or denied. Mr. Burke w it h his usual out rage, abused t he Declarat ion of t he Right s of Man, published by t he Nat ional Assem bly of France, as t he basis on w hich t he const it ut ion of France is built . This he calls " palt r y and blurred sheet s of paper about t he right s of m an." Does Mr. Burke m ean t o deny t hat m an has any right s? I f he does, t hen he m ust m ean t hat t here are no such t hings as right s anyw here, and t hat he has none him self; for w ho is t here in t he w orld but m an? But if Mr. Burke m eans t o adm it t hat m an has right s, t he quest ion t hen will be: What are t hose right s, and how m an cam e by t hem originally?
The error of t hose w ho reason by precedent s draw n from ant iquit y, respect ing t he right s of m an, is t hat t hey do not go far enough int o ant iquit y. They do not go t he whole way. They st op in som e of t he int erm ediat e st ages of an hundred or a t housand years, and produce what was t hen done, as a rule for t he present day. This is no aut hor it y at all. I f we t ravel st ill fart her int o ant iquit y, we shall find a direct cont rary opinion and pract ice prevailing; and if ant iquit y is t o be aut horit y, a t housand such aut horit ies m ay be produced, successively cont radict ing each ot her; but if w e proceed on, we shall at last com e out right ; we shall com e t o t he t im e w hen m an cam e fr om t he hand of his Maker. What w as he t hen? Man. Man w as his high and only t it le, and a higher cannot be given him . But of t it les I shall speak hereaft er.
as w e are now . They had t heir ancient s, and t hose ancient s had ot hers, and we also shall be ancient s in our t urn. I f t he m ere nam e of ant iquit y is t o govern in t he affairs of life, t he people who are t o live an hundred or a t housand years hence, m ay as well t ake us for a pr ecedent , as w e m ake a precedent of t hose who lived an hundred or a
t housand years ago. The fact is, t hat port ions of ant iquit y, by proving everyt hing, est ablish not hing. I t is aut horit y against aut horit y all t he way, t ill we com e t o t he divine origin of t he right s of m an at t he creat ion. Here our enquiries find a r est ing- place, and our reason finds a hom e. I f a disput e about t he right s of m an had arisen at t he dist ance of an hundred years fr om t he cr eat ion, it is t o t his source of aut horit y t hey m ust have referred, and it is t o t his sam e source of aut horit y t hat we m ust now refer.
Though I m ean not t o t ouch upon any sect arian principle of religion, yet it m ay be w ort h observing, t hat t he genealogy of Christ is t raced t o Adam . Why t hen not t race t he right s of m an t o t he creat ion of m an? I w ill answer t he quest ion. Because t here have been upst art governm ent s, t hrust ing t hem selves bet w een, and presum pt uously w orking t o un- m ake m an.
I f any generat ion of m en ever possessed t he right of dict at ing t he m ode by which t he world should be governed for ever , it was t he first generat ion t hat exist ed; and if t hat generat ion did it not , no succeeding generat ion can show any aut horit y for doing it , nor can set any up. The illum inat ing and divine principle of t he equal right s of m an ( for it has it s origin from t he Maker of m an) relat es, not only t o t he living individuals, but t o generat ions of m en succeeding each ot her. Every generat ion is equal in right s t o gener at ions w hich preceded it , by t he sam e rule t hat every individual is born equal in right s wit h his cont em porary.
Every hist ory of t he creat ion, and every t radit ionary account , w het her fr om t he let t ered or unlet t ered world, how ever t hey m ay vary in t heir opinion or belief of cert ain
part iculars, all agree in est ablishing one point , t he unit y of m an; by which I m ean t hat m en are all of one degree, and consequent ly t hat all m en are born equal, and w it h equal nat ural right , in t he sam e m anner as if post erit y had been cont inued by creat ion inst ead of generat ion, t he lat t er being t he only m ode by which t he form er is carried forw ard; and consequent ly every child born int o t he w orld m ust be considered as deriving it s exist ence from God. The w orld is as new t o him as it w as t o t he first m an t hat exist ed, and his nat ural right in it is of t he sam e kind.
The Mosaic account of t he creat ion, whet her t aken as divine aut horit y or m erely
