Disco urses o n th e bo dy,
th e ‘h um an m o to r’,
en ergy an d fatigue:
cultural h ybridatio n s in
fin-d e-siècle
Argen tin a
Diego P. Roldán
Researcher at Centro de Estudios Sociales Regionales, ISHiR-CONICET; researcher at Centro Interdisciplinario de Estudios Sociales and
professor at Faculty of Humanities and Arts/Universidad Nacional de Rosario.
Ocampo 3078 2000 – Rosario – Argentina
diegrol@hotmail.com
Received for publication in August 2009. Approved for publication in March 2010.
ROLDÁN, Diego P. Discourses on th e body, th e ‘h um an m otor’, en ergy an d fatigue: cultural h ybridation s in fin-de-siècle Argen tin a. História, Ciências, Saúde – Manguinhos, Rio de Jan eiro, v.17., n .3, jul.-set. 2010. Available at: h ttp:www.scielo.br.
Abstract
Th is work in vestigates som e discourses th at em erged about th e body, th e ‘h um an m otor’, en ergy an d fatigue in Argen tin a between th e late n in eteen th an d early twen tieth cen turies. Based on th is in quiry an attem pt is m ade to sh ow h ow th e h ybrid n ature of th ese scien tifically purified form ulation s participated in th e con struction of biopolitical kn owledge (organ ic econ om y) th at projected th e body in relation to production (capitalism ) an d th e n ation (state). Sim ilarly, it an alyzes th e discourses on fatigue an d train in g in an attem pt to pin poin t lim itation s of areas of kn owledge based on a Cartesian split.
Keywords: body; fatigue; train in g; eugen ics; Argen tin a.
Joh n Ruskin reproach ed m en of busin ess for h avin g lost sigh t of th e fact th at th e worker is an “en gin e” wh ose m otive p ower is a Soul, an d th at th e force of th is very peculiar agen t, as an un kn own quan tity, en ters in to all th e political econ om ist’s equation s ... th e tru e vein s of wealth are p u rp le – an d n ot in rock, bu t in flesh – p erh ap s even th at th e fin al ou tcom e an d con su m m ation of all wealth is in th e produ cin g of as m an y fu ll-breath ed, brigh t-eyed, an d h appy-h earted h um an creatures as possible.
Alfredo Palacios, La fatiga y sus proyeccion es sociales, 1944.1
In th e late n in eteen th cen tury, a sign ifican t segm en t of th e European in tellectual m ilieu felt th at th e sh adow of decaden ce loom ed large over th eir era. A lack of forcefu ln ess overwh elm ed th e fin-de-siècle spirit an d a sin gle word reflected th e situation : fatigue. Th e Fren ch advocate of ration al gym n astics, Ph ilippe Tissié (1914, p.45), n oted: “Th is gen eration was born fatigued; it is th e result of a cen tury of con vulsion s.” Years before, Sch open h auer an d Nietzsch e an n oun ced th e adven t of European n ih ilism . Th e h arbin gers of in dustrial progress an d labor productivity saw th e lim it of th eir illusion s in fatigue; dream s th at were n igh tm ares for th e workers. Th e d estru ction of bod ies an d social d ecad en ce are th e con sequen ces of efforts to overcom e th e in visible lin e of fatigue. Beh in d th e establish m en t of th e in dustrial system , th e productivist utopia was seduced by th e steely n in eteen th -cen tury silh ouette of an in defatigable body. Th e body-m ach in e was con sidered capable of sustain in g th e in crease in production , th ereby lessen in g th e effects of debilitation . Th e fan tasies projected on to th e body by th e n in eteen th -cen tury m ech an icist (of th e Cartesian clock) an d m ach in e-like (of th e extern al com bustion en gin e) m etaph ors did n ot give rise to sim ple objectification s. Th e vital or h um an surplus rem ain ed un explain ed, h erm etic an d un govern able from th is in terpretive stan dpoin t.
Produ ctivity an d fatigu e were calcu lable (m easu rable) from a n ew con stellation of kn owledge. Political ph ysiology as a varian t of political econ om ics was th e con sequen ce of an un stable com bin ation of ch em istry, ph ysics an d m edicin e, m an ipulated by political tools of social an d econ om ic m an agem en t. Th at kn owledges an d disciplin es saw th e body as an in strum en t for work, establish in g th e ‘European scien ce of work.’ An son Rabin bach (1990) illum in ated th e con struction of th is field. Th e auth or an alyzed a purified tran sition on th e con cept of exh austion . A tran sition was m ade from a m oral-religious to a scien tific-m aterialist tific-m atrix of in terpretation . Frotific-m torpor an d tific-m elan ch oly, prevalen t durin g th e Middle Ages, th e tren d switch es to apath y an d th en to fatigue. If torpor, m elan ch oly an d apath y were lin ked to religiou s an d m oral ideas, fatigu e was related to th e m aterialist (albeit tran scen den tal) reassessm en t th at presu pposed th e con ceptu alization of en ergy (Kraft). Th e in terest an d th e possibilities of th is article are very far from seekin g to ch allen ge
m etaph ors. Sim ilarly, th e an alysis of th ese discourses leads us to th e con texts of en un ciation th at m ade th ese an alogies culturally relevan t an d politically operation al. Con cern about th e body did n ot arise from th e discoveries of en ergy an d th e application of th e laws of th erm odyn am ics to th e ph ysiological econ om y. In stead, it was in spired by th e irreplaceable n ature of th e body in all form s of work. Naturally, th e social con figuration rests on th e body, with its im m aterial con strain ts propagated th rou gh ch ain s of in terdepen den cies th at bin d social relation s (Le Breton , 2002a, 2002b). Men at th e turn of th e cen tury sough t to un derstan d an d regulate th e body’s en ergies (perceived as a h um an m otor) th at govern th e work processes. Th e purpose was to organ ize ways of life th at ren dered viable th e com bin ation of th e productive optim um to th e social optim um .
Th e scope of th is paper is to explore som e discourses on th e body, th e h um an m otor, an d en ergy (fatigue an d work) produced by Mosso, Tissié an d Lagran ge (in th e Old World) an d by Bialet Massé, Bun ge, Rom ero Brest an d Palacios (in Argen tin a). Th e in ten tion is to sh ow th e crossovers an d red efin ition s of categories, assu m p tion s an d in terp retation s (sociocultural uses of discourse), sh owin g th e effects of a stren gth en in g an d dissem in ation th at th e h ybrid n ature (Latour, 2007) gave to th e scien ce of work durin g th e period un der an alysis. Th is in com plete purification (if in deed it can exist in an y oth er m an n er) m ade possible th e legitim ation of ideas about m orals, race an d n ation , based on a practical-discursive field presum ably discon n ected from th ese un iverses of reflection . Paradoxically, th e scien ce of work an d fatigue ach ieved th e greatest socio-political im pregn ation by a m ovem en t th at was also apparen tly con tradictory; distan cin g from th e doxa at th e th eoretical
level but com m un in g with it wh en form ulatin g exam ples or drawin g pragm atic con clusion s. Regulatin g bodies to reform souls was a task th at used cultural facilities older th an th e laws of th erm odyn am ics, n am ely th e ergograph (device wh ich m easures th e am oun t of work don e wh en a m uscle con tracts) an d th e asepsis of th e laboratory. Th is article aim s to sh ow h ow th ese com pon en ts of ‘m odern scien ce,’ len t a n ew legitim acy to ‘old kn owledge’ (m oral precepts an d train in g tech n iques).
Fractals of a fin-de-siècle organic political economy
Energy, work and fatigue: the human motor, body, man and heritage
In 1893, Jorro Publish ers laun ch ed th e Span ish tran slation of th e m ain work of th e Turin ph ysiologist An gelo Mosso. Th e title of th is version was con cise: La fatiga (Fatigue;
Mosso, 1893). Th e lin es of h is presen tation called for an econ om ic defin ition of th e body, it was “a book of organ ic econ om y, with cou n tless ap p lication s for in d ivid u als an d com m un ities” (Salillas, 1893, p.VI). Mosso’s th eory of fatigue was in spired by th e ch em istry of Lavoisier (1862) an d th e th erm odyn am ics of Helm h oltz (1882), both com bin ed with th e ph ysiology of Bern ard (1865). Th e wh ole th eory rested on its bourgeois econ om ic, social an d political organ ization .
a m etaph or of th e body as ch em ical reaction s were produced in it, wh ile th e com bin ed use of th e laws of th erm od yn am ics an d p h ysiology ten d ed to exp lain th em . Fatigu e was m an ifested as a ch em ical p h en om en on , as breath in g an d th e blood -p u rifyin g organ s (liver an d kidn eys) played an im portan t role.2
Th e sem an tic m arriage between join ts an d gears, m uscles an d m otors arose in ergon om ic factories an d laboratories. Th e sim ilarities between th e m ech an ism an d th e organ ism were open ly expressed. Th e m etaph or of th e ‘h um an m otor’ turn ed in to a h euristic an alogy (Am ar, 1914), alth ough its revelatory power did n ot prove un lim ited. Alth ough th e corporal h om eostasis was assim ilated to th e equilibrium of th e h um an m otor, th e sh adow of fatigue (en tropy) defied a totally h om ologous com parison . Th e m ach in e was able to produce a con stan t n um ber of kilogram s-force with th e precise addition of fuel. A well n ourish ed body (based on protein s, lipids, carboh ydrates an d glucose) was in capable of such a feat (Mosso, 1893, p.212).
Accordin g to Mosso, work sh ould n ot exceed th e th resh old of fatigue. If th is occurred, th e elim in ation of toxin s produced an d deposited in th e body would be im possible, th ereby affectin g th e q u ality of p rodu ction . Fatigu e resu lted in su bstan dard work. Th e fact of con tin uin g to work wh ile sufferin g from fatigue was a risk to th e ph ysical an d psych ological in tegrity of th e worker. In th e lon g term , th e reiterated accum ulation of toxin s in th e body produced severe ph ysiological disorders.
Fatigue was gen erated by th e poison in g of th e body, wh ich was un able to dispose of lactic an d carbon ic acids. In th e sh ort term , th e sym ptom s were n eurasth en ia, m en tal strain , surm énage (overwork) an d m adn ess. Wh en fatigue becam e ch ron ic, it could lead to
h ereditary an atom ical an d ph ysiological defects. Fatigue affected n ot on ly th e in dividual but also th e com m un ity as a wh ole. Fatigued m en an d wom en were con sidered to en gen der prostrated offsprin g. Eatin g h abits an d factory work left biological traces. By m ean s of m ech an ism s th at were as in explicable as th ey were effective, th e en viron m en t becam e in corporated in th e body. En viron m en tal con dition s weigh ed h eavily on th e sh oulders or con tributed to in creasin g th e stature of workers.
Mosso lin ked th e idea of in dustrial progress with its coun terpart of biological decaden ce. In on e of th e m odern con tradiction s, econ om ic stren gth was ach ieved at th e expen se of in fan t m ortality an d d egen eration .3 Slowin g birth rates, in creased d eath s, lower life
expectan cy an d th e proliferation of abn orm alities an d deform ities were th e biological in dicators of th e reverse side of progress.
In La fatiga, th e ideas of Morel (1857) were com pleted by fragm en ts of n eo-Lam arckism ,
th rough key con cepts: th e in h eritan ce of acquired ch aracteristics an d th e atroph y of un used fu n ct io n s (Lam arck, 1 9 8 6 ). Fu rt h erm o re, d egen erat io n w as lin ked t o Darw in ian form ulation s con cern in g th e struggle for existen ce (Darwin , 1993, 1997). Th e selection process, in th e con text of th at struggle, was in evitable an d even desirable. Th e Span ish expon en t of La fatiga, affirm ed th at progress sh ou ld exclu de “sen tim en talism ” as th is
would n ecessarily result in casualties. Several lives would in evitably be lost.4
capital’. Th e bodies of aristocrats, accustom ed to lon g periods of in activity, were a fertile groun d for all th e ‘m oral vices’ (Foucault, 2000, p.144). Th e body was seen as an accum ulator of en ergy th at m ust be disch arged. Th e con cept of corporal en ergy as a regular an d con stan t flow m ade idlen ess a source of in toxication by th e un n atural accum ulation of lipids an d toxin s.
Th e n ew im age of a productive an d socially distin guish ed bourgeoisie was m ean t to en sure a certain ph ysical stren gth – correct posture, breadth of sh oulders an d ch est – an d erase sign s of lan guor. Sportin g com petition s, h eld between m em bers of th e bourgeoisie, an d m ass ph ysical education directed at th e subaltern class, con stituted a barrier again st degen eration (Mosso, 1894). In addition , th e dissem in ation of ph ysical activity in h ibited th e vice of youth , n am ely m asturbation (Laqueur, 2007).
An organ ized life, regular activities, an d efficien t n utrition avoided fatigue. Th e curves of Mosso’s ergograph portrayed th e aph orism s th at m oralists h ad dissem in ated som e years earlier (Sm iles, 1889). Th e n ovelty con sisted in th e scien tific (m aterialistic an d experim en tal) basis of th ese assertion s. A bad diet, lack of sleep, exaggerated em otion s an d in tellectual fatigue sapped en ergy. Moral in tuition s, wh ich ten ded to curb th ese excesses, were certified by t h e co m bin ed valid it y o f t h e labo rat o ry, t h e exp erim en t an d t h e m ach in e. Th e con trollable reality of th e laboratory con tam in ation p resu m ably p u rified of extern al con tam in ation , coin cided with less disciplin ed viewpoin ts regardin g extra-scien tific in terests of th e n in eteen th -cen tury m oralists. However, th eir bases an d m ech an ism s of reason in g were differen t (Latour, Woolgar, 1986).
Statistics organ ized an d ren dered bodies m ore con trollable, an d results were in terpreted u sin g racial filters. Th e q u an tification s abou t th e p op u lation , p rom oted in Fran ce by Quetelet (1835), forged th e idea of m on itorin g th e con tours of th e body based on th e Pyth agorean redu ction of th e reality to th e n u m ber. Th e series calcu lated an d located arith m etically an d geograph ically th e evolution an d in volution of th e organ ism s of th e n ation . Th ese statistics becam e lin ked to an th ropom etric form ulation s in dicated by Broca (1857). In th e classification s at th e tim e of con scription , ph ysician s were able to assign ‘biological n um bers’ to ‘social organ ism s’, figures th at tran slated th e ‘vital power’ of th ese bein gs distin guish ed by class, occupation , region , etc. (Niceforo, 1907).
Th e weigh t, h eigh t an d, especially, th e ch est circum feren ce becam e in dicators of racial vigor. Th e n um bers pin poin ted som e areas of decaden ce, detectin g th at th ey were m ore severe am on g th e workin g classes with difficult livin g con dition s. Diet, h ousin g, cloth in g an d th e workin g con dition s led to con stitution ally debilitated organ ism s th at were prey to disease, deform ity an d atroph y (Mosso, 1893, p.220-221). As a m ilitary ph ysician , Mosso n oted th e h avoc th at poor livin g con dition s an d fatigue wreaked on th e bodies of th e Italian workin g classes (p.223).
en h an cem en t. Th us, m an ual labor (organ ic capital) was tran sform ed in to th e ultim ate wealth of th e coun try. Th e body was seen from th e stan dpoin t of accum ulation as a well fed an d directed en ergy resource, wh ich could becom e an efficien t m ean s of production (Foucault, 1999, 2007).
Th e arm y an d factory dem an ded robust bein gs suitable for th e deploym en t of en ergy. Men wh ose wills n eeded to be h on ed by ph ysical an d m en tal train in g in order to an ticipate fatigue an d con trol em otion s. Th e path s towards th e n ation alization an d spiritualization of labor were ou tlin ed, bu t m an y elem en ts were still lackin g to com p lete th e p ictu re (An dreassi, 2004).
Training: body and will
In 1899, two years after th e origin al Fren ch edition was laun ch ed, th e Span ish tran slation of La fatigue et l’entraînem ent physique appeared: La fatiga y el adiestram iento físico (Fatigue
an d ph ysical train in g). Th e book written by th e psych iatrist Ph ilippe Tissié proposed clear guidelin es to preven t th e degen eration of th e race brough t about by fatigue. Th e regen erative capabilities of a set of ph ysical practices, in favor of th e m orph ological an d ch aracterological correction of h u m an bein gs, was n oted in th at work: “Ph ysical edu cation is th e great ph ysical an d m oral regen erator” (Tissié, 1899).
Accordin g to Tissié (1899), train in g in volved a set of tech n iques to produce a great deal of work with out m uch fatigue. Th rough train in g, variables of direct proportion ality such as work an d fatigue could en h an ce th eir relation sh ip. Train in g en sured h ealth , stren gth an d en duran ce, th ereby becom in g a bran ch of social h ygien e. Th e fitn ess gain ed th rough th e exercises would n ot on ly be utilized in dividually, but would also be tran sm itted to descen den ts by m ean s of Lam arckism .
La fatiga y el adiestram iento físico com plem en ted th e work of Mosso (1893). In addition ,
it m esh ed in with th e in vestigation s, led by Lagran ge (1889), of Fren ch ph ysiology on exercise. Tissié voiced th e usual m ech an istic m etaph ors of th e body, capable of m akin g it th e object of con trol an d kn owledge th rough th e laws of ch em istry, ph ysics an d ph ysiology. Alth ough Tissié m ain tain ed m an y poin ts of con tact with h is predecessors, h is ideas progressed on h ow to train in dividuals to delay an d dim in ish fatigue an d its effects. Th e aim was to raise levels of adaptation an d toleran ce to h ard an d con tin ued work. Tissié, in tan dem with Ribot (1883), placed th e origin of fatigue in th e n ervous system . Im m oderate work provoked excitem en t of th e n erves, causin g h ysteria, h ypertroph ic sleep, n eurasth en ia, an n o yan ce, vexat io n , au t o m at ism , blin d im p u lses, sp lit p erso n alit y, h allu cin at io n s, ph obias, con fabulation , ech olalia an d obsession . All th ese ch an ges were both con sequen ces an d sym ptom s of fatigue.
Train in g regu lated in stability of th e n ervou s system , delayin g an d atten u atin g th e effects of fatigue. Furth erm ore, it was a workin g system th at com m itted th e body, but, above all, it required th e cooperation an d th e stren gth en in g of th e will (Payot, 1894). Accordin g to Tissié, fortifyin g an d correctin g th e body was th e way to defin e ch aracter.
practice th at required th e ren un ciation of pleasure an d th e sublim ation of desire. Likewise, train in g required a daily battle with pain to van quish it. Wh en th e repression of pleasure an d th e con tin ued deploym en t of toleran ce to effort were in grain ed as perm an en t features in th e states of body an d m in d, th e sufferin g of train in g gave way to a certain degree of en jo ym en t (Elias, 1987). Th e d eferm en t o f p leasu re led t o t h e d isp lacem en t an d tran sform ation of its object. Th us, fatigue, previously con sidered distressin g an d pitiful, could be m ore easily with stood un til it turn ed to satisfaction . By m ean s of train in g th e body an d m in d in perpetual coordin ation , seem in gly in accessible th resh olds of work could be ach ieved.
Th e figure of th e coach , in dispen sable in th e early stages, sh ould dim in ish in im portan ce as th e process m oved forward. His in itial auth oritarian ism sh ould be tran sform ed in to affection ate patern alism . Train in g was above all a process sh aped by social relation s th at fostered an active body an d m in d. On ce th e extern al con strain ts were disabled, th e process was registered in in tern alized en forcem en t m ech an ism s. Th e past of th e n erves an d m uscles was on ly accessible to th e body an d con sciousn ess after furth er train in g session s.
By con tin uation of th is practice, th e extern al disciplin es were assim ilated un til th ey becam e in tern alized. At on e poin t in th e train in g, th e extern al direction could be replaced by an oth er m ore in tim ate on e. Tissié was in terested in th e passage of an extern al con trol to an oth er in tern al form (from th e body to th e spirit; from th e visible to th e in visible), an d self-disciplin e was th e cen ter of h is con cern s. Th e body sh owed its ability to adapt an d ch an ge in days of repetitive work. Wh ile th e m uscles were ton ed, th e will was a m atter of tem peran ce. In th is m an n er, train in g was tran sform ed by a m ech an ism th at was on ly partially in accessible to th e fin-de-siècle ph ysiologists an d psych ologists. It was a relatively
perm an en t case of th e body bein g tran sferred to th e spirit an d vice versa. In lin e with h is th eoretical fram ework, Tissié (1899, p.27) asserted th at if perform ed accordin g to h is m eth od an d system , train in g was capable of leadin g to ph ysical an d m oral im provem en t.
Th e m arked in clin ation of Tissié toward ph ysical education an d th e practice of sport en abled h im to p lace p h ysical an d p sych ological p h en om en a in a close relation sh ip . Body an d m in d were u n ited by a perpetu al feedback loop, th ough establish in g a split th ere was n ot as sim ple as Cartesian ism an d positivism h ad im agin ed. Th e practical sen se (Bourdieu, 2008) of Tissié em erged in h is writin g, un con sciously sh owin g th e lim itation s of Cartesian d u alism to u n d erstan d com p lex p h en om en a su ch as train in g (Bou rd ieu , 1999). Autom atism govern ed un ilaterally by th e body was alien to th e th in kin g of Tissié. H is id ea o f t h e m in d -b o d y rela t io n sh ip w a s st ro n ger t h a n t h a t o f m a n y o f h is con tem poraries (Ryle, 2005).
Fractals of an organic political economy in Argentina in the early twentieth century
Th e ways of com preh en din g th e body, fatigue an d train in g, in Argen tin a in th e early twen tieth cen tury were in debted to th e works of Mosso, Lagran ge (1889) an d Tissié. I focused th e an alysis on th e books of Mosso (1893) an d Tissié (1899) for th eir em blem atic n ature, due to th e sign ifican t n um ber of referen ces an d quotation s th at appear in studies of th e body, train in g an d work produ ced in Argen tin a. Th ese bibliograph ic referen ces were dissem in ated in th e doctoral th esis of th e creator of th e ‘Argen tin e system of ph ysical education ,’ En rique Rom ero Brest (1900). Th ey th en surfaced, with differen t con n otation s in th e train in g m an uals of th e Argen tin e Arm y th rough to th e m id-twen tieth cen tury (Dirección Nacion al de Tiro, 1944). Iden tical referen ces are visible in th e ph ysiology of th e work of Bialet Massé, prin ted in th e pages of h is report on th e status of th e workin g class in th e in terior of Argen tin a en titled Inform e sobre el estado de la clase obrera en el interior de la República Argentina (Report on th e status of th e workin g class in th e in terior of Argen tin a;
Bialet Massé, 1987). Closely related to th is work on e can in clude th e con ceptualization s of social h ygien e of labor produced by Augusto Bun ge (1910) an d th e argum en ts developed by Alfredo Palacios, both in parliam en tary debates on labor legislation (Palacios, 1910) an d in th e draftin g of h is work on fatigue an d its social projection s en titled La fatiga y sus proyecciones sociales (Fatigue an d its social projection s; Palacios, 1944).
I will n ow turn to a review of aspects of th ese stan dpoin ts, in order to em bark on th e process of reflection on th e ways in wh ich work, en ergy, body, fatigue, en viron m en tal con dition s of life an d ph ysical train in g were en visaged in Argen tin a. Despite th eir gen eral n atu re, th ese were th e categories an d classification s th at gu id ed an d legitim ized th e regulatory action of th e in stitution s an d social agen ts in various areas of th e coun try.5
Physical education as moral education (body & soul)
Th e d octoral th esis in m ed icin e of En riq u e Rom ero Brest m arks a ch an ge in th e tradition al views on th e topic. Th e can didate ch ose h is subject m atter from an area relatively un tapped in Argen tin a in m edical studies of th e tim e6, n am ely com bin in g ph ysiology,
h ygien e an d education th rough th e system atic practice of ph ysical exercise. From th e title alon e, th e em ph asis is on th e latter, albeit th e an swers to th e question s th e auth or raises about th e Argen tin e education al system h in ge on th e subjects alluded to in th e first two. Rom ero Brest criticized th e n ation al education al m odel7; as was th e case with Tissié, h e was
disturbed by th e em ph asis of in tellectual train in g, th ough for Rom ero th is tren d was n ot en tirely n egative. Th e ph ysical education system wh ich h e advocated h ad a stron g spiritual con ten t, as expressed in h is m ature work (Rom ero Brest, 1938).
retrogression did n ot depen d on blin d forces n or was it biologically determ in ed, but th at th e im pact of th e m eth ods an d practices was decisive.
A livestock-rearin g coun try such as Argen tin a h ad a successful track record in cattle breedin g. Likewise, th an ks to a n etwork of farm s, breeders, ran ch ers an d racetracks it h ad m an aged to en h an ce th e h orse bloodlin es in th e territory. Con sequen tly, if th e m atrix of th e n atural scien ces dom in ated th e social scien ces, it seem ed logical to subm it th e h um an species to racial en h an cem en t procedures (Miran da, Vallejo, 2005, p.157-158).
Neo-Lam arckism h ad a m arked in flu en ce on th e th in kin g of Rom ero Brest. It was n ecessary to con trol th e evolution of th e race toward a positive goal th rough in stitution al efforts an d th e assistan ce of th e State. Ph ysical education becam e th e corn erston e of th at process. Furth erm ore, ph ysical train in g allowed th e con trol of en ergy, in creased en duran ce an d m itigated th e n egative in fluen ces of th e en viron m en t an d th e struggle for life.
In Rom ero Brest’s opin ion , th is ven ture sh ould feature a ‘n ew m an ’ as th e protagon ist, m olded by th e tech n ologies of ph ysical train in g. Th is m an sh ould n ot on ly be stron g en ough to overcom e th e adversities of th e world, but also bequeath h is ph ysical stren gth to future gen eration s.
Th e close ties th at boun d body an d spirit also determ in ed stren gth an d beauty. Ph ysical education h ad th e task of in vigoratin g body an d spirit, resultin g in stron g an d beautiful youth s, wh ose seed would be h an ded down from gen eration to gen eration . From th e late n in eteen th cen tury on wards an d th rough to 1945, educators did n ot suppress th e dream of em bodyin g th e Greek utopia of bodies in corporatin g Apollon ian an d n ation alist virtues in th eir studen ts (Mosse, 2007).
Th e ben efits of th e system atic practice of ph ysical exercise were n um erous. Th e education of th e body was an appropriate m easure for h ygien e, en ergy con servation an d th e buildin g u p o f resist an ce. Fu rt h erm o re, it d ist an ced yo u n g p eo p le fro m t h e h id d en vices (m asturbation ). Th e in crease of resistan ce an d th e action of corporal education on ch aracter were th e keys to in dividual an d social success, th e form er in th e struggle for existen ce an d th e latter in th e m oralization of youth (Rom ero Brest, 1900, p.31, 33, 38).
Rom ero Brest’s prose bears witn ess to th e con vergen ce of m orality an d train in g. Fatigue avoided by ph ysical activity distan ced youn g people from th e sterile dissipation of th eir organ ic poten tial. Th e vices of youth s prepared th e body to accom m odate th ose of adulth ood: tobacco, alcoh olism an d lazin ess. “It’s a com m on place observation th at exercise preven ts m an y vices develop ed in th ese grou p s [p op u lar gath erin gs an d you th s], divertin g th e im agin ative curren t avid for pleasure th at fatigues th e organ ism ” (Rom ero Brest, 1900, p.67). Exercise, as th e en ergetic cath arsis of th e ‘h u m an m otor’, served as tech n ology of regulation , balan ce an d con trol of th e corporal m ech an ism an d th e ch aracter-buildin g fram ework. Well m an aged, ph ysical activity could provide th e n ecessary m en tal an d organ ic equilibrium to con fron t th e fatigue caused by th e struggle for existen ce.
Body and work: fatigue, environmental conditions, lifestyle and working hours
(Bialet Massé, 1876). Th is h orizon was broaden ed in th e report on th e livin g con dition s of th e workin g class, wh ere th e Catalan lawyer ratified th e m ach in e-like n ature of th e organ ism . Allusion s to th e steam en gin e an d its work to illustrate th e fun ction in g of th e body were recurren t in h is prose. Based on th is com parison , Bialet set out to subm it th e study of ph ysiology to th e scien tific laws of m ech an ics an d ch em istry. Th is procedure tran scen ded h um an ist reform ism in labor regulation . Inform e... was justified by th e absen ce of political
(subjective) in terests an d th e un iversal (objective) validity of its prem ises couch ed in scien tific discou rse (Palerm o, 2004). However, th e separation of scien ce from politics, typical of n in eteen th -cen tury th ough t, was on ly circum stan tially ratified. Bialet’s argum en ts were gran ted th e legitim acy of scien tific an d statistical con sideration s, m akin g th e con clusion s m ore soph isticated an d distan cin g th em from purely political or h um an istic position s. However, Bialet in dicated th at th e m oral valuation s, wh ich started out as “vague in tuition s” were alm ost always con firm ed by observation an d scien tific exp erim en tation . In th is sen se, Bialet’s battle was directed again st th e kn owledge of en gin eers, wh ose com parison of th e worker to a m ach in e was total, rulin g out an y m edical (h um an ) con sideration on labor (p .200).
Th e fin din gs of Bialet Massé were taken from sun dry an d h eterodox sources.8 Th eir
h ybridization resulted in a collage th at is possibly con tradictory to con tem porary eyes. Th e Bible, th e en cyclical Rerum Novarum of Leo XIII, proverbs an d sayin gs coexisted with
th e m ost advan ced observation s of positive ph ysiology an d experim en tal psych ology. Th is coexisten ce was possible because all th ese statem en ts en joyed recogn ition , alth ough som e were reach ed by com m on sen se an d religion an d oth ers by th eir exposure an d con trol in th e fin-de-siècle scien tific field (Terán , 2000). Bialet’s ideas did n ot try to coun teract th e
legacy of a deeply Cath olic people, n or did th ey seek to im pose scien tific ideas in a coun try wh ose roots were d ifferen t (Prieto, 2004). For th is reason , h e resorted to th e p ath of h ybridization . For exam ple, for th e Catalan m an of letters, th e biblical con dem n ation followin g th e fall (by th e sweat of your brow sh all you earn your bread) was a n atural con dition of h um an bein gs. But such a state of n ature, divested of its th eological overton es, was to be foun d in th e striated m orph ology of h um an m usculature. Th e positive an atom y th erefore ratified th e Holy Scriptures.
In activity was deem ed a risk to h ealth . Th e organ ism exposed to ‘pure idlen ess’ rapidly fell in th rall of degen eration , in itially m an ifested by th e in filtration of fat in th e m uscle tissue. Th is gradually poison ed th e blood, tissues an d m ajor organ s, affectin g th e organ ism an d beh avior. Th e in cu bation of m oral vices was on e of th e effects m ost in voked by idlen ess. Th e reserves of en ergy n eeded to circulate, as th e body was con sidered an en ergy accu m u lator, a kin d of dyn am o th at wh en overloaded h ad to be em ptied in order to avoid un in ten tion al an d violen t explosion .
It h as been said th at idleness is the m other of all vices an d th is philosophical truth, witn essed
it “W hat does not lead to God, leads to the devil.” Between virtue an d vice, th ere are n o m ore differen ces th an th e direction of th e activity an d th e am oun t, wh en an d h ow it is used ... Th ere is n o degen eration from wh ich idlen ess can escape, an d as every vice an d every crim e are th e result of an an om alous state of th e organ ism on e can say th at the com m on aphorism is a scientific theorem (Bialet Massé, 1987, p.545; italics added).
In th e opin ion of Bialet Massé an d Rom ero Brest, th e key was ch an n elin g th e en ergy (Kraft) con tain ed in th e body. Th ey differed in focus as Bialet preferred labor legislation
wh ile Rom ero con cen trated on ph ysical education . However, for both th in kers th e excess or lack of activity con stituted sign ifican t h ygien ic problem s. Th e in terpretive sch em e of th e ph ysiology of Mosso was on both of th eir m in ds. Th eir prepon deran ce was expressed in th e effects of overwork, th e production of toxin s th at were h ard to elim in ate an d th e gradual poison in g of th e body deprived of rest an d sleep. It is im portan t to stress th at Bialet an d Rom ero h ybridized th eir scien tific discourses with m oral proposition s th at en joyed broad social prestige. Scien ce in th eir approach es did n ot defy com m on sen se. In stead, th ey preferred to con firm it an d, by m ean s of th e strategy of participation , win over public opin ion .
Fatigue, like un lim ited leisure, in clin ed m an toward vices. Alcoh olism foun d adepts am on g workers used to lon g workin g days, poor en viron m en tal con dition s an d un san itary h ousin g (Clavijo, 1915). In th is field it was n ecessary to fin d an Aristotelian m iddle groun d. Th e optim um way of ach ievin g a balan ce between n utrition , sleep an d work con sisted of con stan t efforts, th e duration of wh ich did n ot exceed eigh t h ours. In addition , it was essen tial to h ave adequate con dition s for restorin g en ergy (en ergy for work) in th e tim e devoted to rest (Carbon ell, 1910).
For Bialet Massé, th e eigh t-h ou r workin g day was th e n atu ral an d organ ic order of th in gs. By approvin g such a m easure, th e legislative ch am bers regulated h um an activity accordin g to th e dem an ds of n ature. Scien ce an d politics were m utually alien ated: m an an d th e un iverse were govern ed by un iversal laws prior to desire, will an d action . However, Bialet con sidered th at th e rest provided by th e eigh t-h our day was in sufficien t to purify th e blood, m uscles an d preven t organ ic overload. A weekly day of rest was essen tial. Wh en work required great m uscular an d n ervous ten sion , it was n ecessary to h ave a season al break. Th ese paid vacation s sh ould ran ge between fifteen an d th irty days.
Th e virtues of sh ort days were con siderable, as accordin g to th e Catalan ph ysician an d lawyer th e ben efits would be appreciated by society an d th e wh ole n ation . With th e eigh t-h our day an d weekly day of rest, progress would tran scen d tt-h e econ om ic spt-h ere, tt-h ereby en h an cin g th e n ation al workforce. “Th ere can be n o stron g, great an d free people, wh ere th e workday is lon g an d excessive” (Bialet Massé, 1987, p.546).
Durin g th e Cen ten n ial celebration s, th e report th at Augusto Bun ge (1910) wrote to th e Nation al Departm en t of Labor was publish ed. Un like Bialet Massé, Bun ge sough t greater in teraction between th e th eoretical backgroun d an d field observation s, th ough h is political position was differen t. Th e m an ufacturin g en viron m en t an d h ousin g con dition s gran ted privileged access for th e an alysis of th e biological weakn ess of th e workin g classes. Bun ge, wh o ch ose to use th e statistics as a problem an d n ot as a m ere observation , stated th at th e in dicators n ot on ly deserve to be revealed an d displayed but also discussed an d explain ed. Som e an alytical stan ces of Mosso (1893) were adopted by th e Argen tin e ph ysician .
In th e late n in eteen th an d early twen tieth cen turies, th e ph ysical degradation of th e workin g class sectors accordin g to th e stan dards of biopolitical visibility was detected in all capitalist coun tries. Its sym ptom s in volved poor n utrition , lack of ven tilation in th e workplace an d th e h om e, m on oton y of th e task, overcrowdin g an d discom fort an d excessive n oise an d d u st. Th e atm osp h ere affected th e bod y, p rod u cin g in d ivid u al an d racial alteration s (Bun ge, 1910, p.12). Fifty years after its publication , th e treatise by Morel (1857) on degen eration was used in Argen tin a.
Poor workin g con dition s were blam ed on th e em ployer, but for Bun ge n o on e was exclusively respon sible. Th e workers were guilty of n ot im provin g an d educatin g th em selves an d in du lgin g in a flippan t lifestyle with lack of foresigh t. Tran sform in g th ese h abits, in grain ed in tradition , was a civilizin g crusade spearh eaded by m oralists an d h ygien ists. Th e vital resource for th is con version was seen as basic education for ch ildren . Th e adult workers were urged to spen d th eir free tim e away from th e bars an d close to th e public libraries. Th is approach coexisted with certain appeals to ‘social justice’ wh ich , by m ean s of labor legislation could avoid wh at Bun ge called ‘revolution ary justice’ (Bun ge, 1910, p.14).
Th e laborer was deprived of th e (h um an ized) spiritual life due to m on oton ous an d stultifyin g work routin es. Eviden ce of th e ph ysiology of work an d fatigue were in voked to su p p ort som e reform ist p rop osals. Referen ces to th e work of Mosso (1893) ap p eared wh en ever Bun ge (1910, p.33) decided to reflect on workplace-related toxin s an d th e difficulty of rem ovin g th em with out h avin g recourse to periods of rest.
Bun ge drew th e m oralist rh etoric from th e sem in al work of Adam Sm ith . The wealth of nations was essen tially predicated on its m en (Foucault, 2007). Th e writin gs of th e ‘fath er of liberalism ’ h elped to substan tiate th e n eed for a sh orter workday an d th e betterm en t of workin g con dition s (Bun ge, 1910, p.28). Adam Sm ith was to Bun ge wh at th e Bible an d
Rerum N ovarum were t o Bialet Massé: au t h o rit ies t h at are in co n gru o u s (alb eit n o t
an tagon istic) with th e cen tral th em e. However, th ey could be rh etorically used both to con vin ce a reader wh o paid th em h eed an d to sustain n ew argum en ts usin g older ideas. Th e procedure for th eir in vocation con sisted of m akin g th e reform proposal accessible to th e public it was tryin g to con vin ce an d to th e precedin g ideological m atrix th at coexisted with reform ism . It was a pragm atic use an d un plan n ed overlappin g of th e logic of th ough t an d wordplay.
in accessible to workers, im poverish in g th eir social an d econ om ic relation s. Th e en dless workdays curtailed th eir h ours of relaxation an d th e worker could n ot recover from th e ten sion caused by work. Bun ge advocated a sh orter workday, th ough h e dem an ded th at workers accelerate th e pace of production . Th us, despite reduced work tim e, productivity would be m ain tain ed.
A wage h ike was com pen sated by an in crease in production . Th e lack of rest an d a dem an din g work sch edu le led to an in crease in alcoh olism . Repetitive work an d poor livin g con dition s dim in ish ed th e in tellectual capacity of th e worker an d h is willpower wasted away. With ou t an y prospects, th e worker wen t to th e bars to fin d solace from exh austion an d a less crowded space. But such relief was sh ort-lived, as soon a n ew form of tiredn ess resulted from resortin g to drin k. Th e worker was caugh t in a vicious circle (Bun ge, 1910, p.45).
Th e poison in g of fatigue an d a poor diet was aggravated by alcoh ol. Alon g with oth er scien tists of h is tim e, Bun ge speculated th at alcoh olic paren ts produced degen erate ch ildren . On ly a com bin ation of good lifestyle h abits an d h ygien ic livin g an d workin g con dition s could eradicate th e decaden ce of th e workin g class. Education an d social reform were th e tools th at Bu n ge recom m en d ed to rebu ild th e p h ysical an d sp iritu al stren gth of th e Argen tin e workin g classes.
As if a gam e of m irrors was in volved, th e sam e figures, th e sam e n am es an d iden tical con sideration s were repeated in all direction s. Th e series of th ese books com prises a labyrin th , in wh ich th e reader goes aroun d in circles un able to fin d th e exit. Th e decoration s vary an d th ere are differen ces in th ickn ess between th e walls, bu t th e writin g stam ped on th em , as in an y social gam e, can barely be con sidered in dividual. Th e un iquen ess of th ese texts lies less in th e process of con ception th an in th e social practices an d th e h ybridization of th e scien tific, political an d m oral lan guages.9
Bialet Massé (1987, p.1009) regretted th at th e ph ysiological n otion s of work an d rest rem ain ed restricted to a scien tific aristocracy. However, th is sm all group sh owed sign s of a broad con sen sus in th eir views on th e subject. All of th em read sim ilar literature an d em ph asized th e n eed to pass system atic labor legislation , geared to establish in g an eigh t-h our workday an d a weekly rest period of twen ty-four t-h ours. On ly tt-h e work of Palacios differed from th e rest by experim en tin g in th e laboratory to support h is th esis. Th e creation of scien tifically-based labor laws was th e focus of h is work at th e Laboratory of th e Ph ysiology of Labor at th e Un iversity of La Plata. Palacios proposed th e settin g up of experim en tal p sych ology laboratories an d labor law classes in th e worksh op s of th e cou n try (Hall, 1944, p.56).
Despite th is gesture of radical em piricism , th e depen den ce of h is th eoretical apparatus on Mosso’s work was such th at h is experim en ts on ly provided n ew eviden ce for th e studies on wh ich h e based h is protocols. In th is way, th e political value exceeded th e scien tific value of th e work.10 But, as Sch apin an d Sch affer (2005, p.52) affirm ed: “th e problem of
scien tific argum en ts.11 On ly h is criticism of th e Taylorist m odel for its lack of em ph asis on
th e ph ysiology of work, fatigue an d h um an kin d can be seen as n ovelties. However, th e treatm en t of Taylorism drew on ch apter XIII of th e Treaty of Versailles, on ILO docum en ts (Palacios, 1920), an d Ioteyko’s critique of Taylorism (1926). At an early stage, Bialet Massé also d etected th e relu ctan ce of en gin eers (su ch as F.W. Taylor) in in corp oratin g th e suggestion s of th e scien ce of work to th eir perceptive m odels (Palerm o, 2004).
Th e policies aim ed at protectin g wom en durin g m atern ity an d offsprin g were recorded by Palacios. In h is view, if wom en worked durin g pregn an cy, th eir ch ildren would in h erit m orbid ten den cies. Th e ch ildren h ad problem s at birth , bein g con sequen tly fertile groun d for tuberculosis. Ph th isis prim arily afflicted th e workin g class because of th e stren uous fatigu e in h erited from both paren ts (Arm u s, 2007). Accordin g to Palacios, th e organ ic degradation acquired by ch ron ic fatigue an d poor en viron m en tal con dition s of th e workin g class sectors left th e body open to in fection . Th e socioecon om ic con dition s of th e workers m ean t th at tuberculosis – an en viron m en tal illn ess – was ‘in curable’ am on g th em : “th e m oth er wh o works durin g pregn an cy will produce a weak, if n ot stun ted an d degen erate ch ild ...” (Palacios, 1944, p. 310).
Palacios’ recom m en dation s in favor of rest before an d after ch ildbirth redu ced th e social bon dage of wom en to social subordin ation , to biological reproduction an d to th e rearin g of ch ildren . Th is affected th e in terests of th e n ation , becau se fatigu e weigh ed u p on th e p rogen y (Palacios, 1910, p .106). Alth ou gh th eir ideas were u n derp in n ed by progressive reform ism , th ey did n ot sh ake off th e assign m en t of a dom estic role to wom en as bein g solely respon sible for th e education of ch ildren . Neverth eless, th e offsprin g sh ould be protected an d th eir m oth ers assisted sin ce both of th em represen ted th e key figures of th e n ation ’s future. Palacios’ affirm ation s sh owed a eugen ic ten den cy offset by th e reform ist in terests of socialism . Despite th is reform ulation , th e essen ce of th ese statem en ts was in lin e with th e sam e th eory, wh ich in oth er sociocultural con texts could acquire an en tirely differen t m ean in g.
Conclusions
Th e an alysis of several works by Mosso, Tissié, Bialet Massé, Rom ero Brest, Palacios an d Bun ge reveals a pan oram a replete with exploratory work, diagn oses an d prescription s on th e body, en ergy, work an d fatigue. Th e im age of th e body th at is con structed by th e cu ltu ral ou tlooks of th e au th ors is im bu ed with th e forces an d th e social relation s of in dustrial capitalism . Th e idea of th e body as a m ean s of production (m ach in e), of ph ysical en ergy as capital (organ ic econ om y) an d biological stren gth as racial vitality (eugen ics) were t o b e fo u n d in all t h ese wo rks (alb eit t h ro u gh d ifferen t in t erp ret at io n s an d con figu ration s).
to justify th e reform , n am ely a ch an ge th at was also based on m ore deep-seated religious an d m oral ideas. Con sequen tly, th e im provem en t of workin g con dition s was con sidered to h ave a positive im pact on th e m oral con dition of workers. Modifyin g th e objective (m aterial) world would of n ecessity lead to a subjective (spiritual) ch an ge. In th is field, th e ideas of th e train ers of th e body were projected on beh avior an d th e spirit. Ph ysical education teach ers (as well as m ilitary drill in structors) assum ed (alth ough with out in vokin g th e flagellan ts) th at th e torm en ts of th e flesh , bodily sufferin g an d asceticism were ways to tem per th e ch aracter an d develop m oral fiber.
Th e bod y-m ach in e was ju st a m etap h or: th e objectivity (m easu rem en t) of fatigu e im posed its con dition s on th e social en gin eerin g of th e worker-soldier by tran scen din g pain an d pleasure (Roldan , 2006). In th e studies reviewed, body an d spirit are (de)com posed with in visible bon ds (barriers) in pursuit of organ izin g th e subjects. Cartesian dualism provides th e paradigm an d dom in ates both train ers an d jurists in th e eyes of th e ph ysiologist. Th e m odel of stren gth en in g an d m oralizin g h as a m agical com pon en t as th e relation sh ip between body an d m in d rem ain s in explicable (un explain ed). Th ese discourses form a part of th e p ractical orien tation th at con tribu ted to th e groom in g of workers, con su m ers, citizen s an d sold iers, as a segm en t of th e state an d n ation al con stru ction in th e late n in eteen th an d early twen tieth cen turies.
Th e precedin g pages sough t to sh ow th e am biguous (h ybrid) ch aracter of scien tific discourse on th e body at th e turn of th e cen tury. Th is production of statem en ts seem s to be organ ized m ore aroun d lan guage gam es (uses) th an con ceptual in dicators an d purified th eories. Th e organ ization of th e discourse on th e body depen ds th erefore on th e dyn am ics of its con stru ction an d of th e social gam es of th ose in volved , m ore th an on th e all-em bracin g an d purified th in kin g of its arch itects (in serted, as th ey also are, in th ese an d oth er social gam es) . Th erefore, I h ave attem pted to sh ow h ow m oral an d cultural elem en ts in filtrate th em selves (with out un dergoin g m ajor ch an ges) in th e scien tific n etworks. Perh aps th e cultural an d political dissem in ation an d operability of such discourse in th e state, n ation al an d social con struction s of th e twen tieth cen tury h as depen ded (precisely) on th ese in filtration s an d im purities.
AC KN O W LED G M EN TS
I ap p reciate th e com m en ts of th e an on ym ou s reviewers of th is work an d th e critical read in g of Cecilia M. Pascu al.
NOTES
1 All q u otation s in th is article h ave been freely tran slated from th e origin al Sp an ish .
2 Mosso exp erim en ted on blood exch an ges between two d ogs, on e of wh ich was at rest an d th e oth er excited . Th e exp erim en t con sisted of th e followin g p rotocol: in th e blood stream of a fu lly rested d og, blood from an oth er exp osed to excitem en t of an electrical cu rren t was in jected . Notin g th at th e first d og, after th e tran sfu sion , began to exp erien ce sym p tom s of fatigu e, Mosso (1893, p .165-166) d ed u ced th at fatigu e was cau sed by a toxin th at was d ep osited in th e blood .
4 In th e first d ecad es of th e twen tieth cen tu ry, th ese id eas fou n d th eir ap ogee in a work written by a lawyer an d a d octor in Germ an y d u rin g th e Weim ar Rep u blic. Th e d iscou rse on rad ical eu gen ics an d eu th an asia, with m u ch d ivu lged in th e Un ited States, cu lm in ated in th e p u blication by Bin d in g an d Hoch e (1920). On eu gen ic d iscou rse in Latin Am erica an d Argen tin a see th e im p ortan t com p ilation by Marisa Miran d a an d Gu stavo Vallejo (2005).
5 Du e to th e scop e en visaged for th is work, th ere is in su fficien t sp ace to d well on th e d iscip lin ary p ractices govern ed by th e p atriotic top ic of target sh ootin g, th e p h ysical regen eration of d ebilitated ch ild ren in h olid ay cam p s, th e con stru ction of th e first Mu n icip al Stad iu m in Latin Am erica for th e p ractice of p h ysical exercises by th e p eop le an d th e trajectory of ed u cation . To stu d y th e m atter in d ep th , we refer th e read er to th e work of Aisen stein an d Sh aragrod sky (2006) an d Rold án (2005, 2008).
6 Alth ou gh several th eses h ad been p resen ted on sch ool h ygien e, an d th is was a top ic of con sid erable em p h asis in h ygien ist d iscou rse, sim ilar con cern s h ad n ot been ch an n eled in to th e asp ect of p h ysical ed u cat io n .
7 Fo r fu rt h er st u d y o n t h e p ro p o sals o f Ro m ero Brest , t h e best st u d y co n d u ct ed t o d at e is t h at o f Aisen stein an d Sh aragrod sky (2006).
8 Th e h eterod oxy of Bialet Massé with resp ect to h is p olitical an d social id eas (esp ecially h is con cep t of In d ian socialism ) h as been h igh ligh ted by Agu stin a Prieto (2004, 2006).
9 In th is resp ect, W ittgen stein (1999, p .43) stated : “Th e m ean in g of a word is its u se in lan gu age.”
10 In ord er to assert th e origin ality an d valu e of th e work, in th e secon d ed ition (1924) Palacios p u blish ed several letters from scien tists an d in tellectu als of in tern ation al ren own . Th ey all m ad e com p lim en tary com m en ts abou t th e book. On e can witn ess th e sign atu res of San tiago Ram ón y Cajal, Gregorio Marañ ón an d th e d iscip les of Mosso, n am ely Marian o L. Patrizzi an d Gabrielle Ferrari (Palacios, 1944, p .25-30). 11 In p articu lar, th is op eration is sign ifican t in read in g th e work of Nicep h oru s (Nicéforo, 1907; Palacios, 1944, p .49).
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